Magic and Mythology

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In traditional societies, myth and ritual are two central components of religious practice. Although myth and ritual are commonly united as parts of religion, the exact relationship between them has been a matter of controversy among scholars. One of the approaches to this problem is "the myth and ritual, or myth-ritualist, theory," held notably by the so-called Cambridge Ritualists, which holds that "myth does not stand by itself but is tied to ritual."^[1] This theory has never been demonstrated; many scholars now believe that myth and ritual share common paradigms, but not that one developed from the other.^[2]

Contents [hide] 1 Overview 2 Ritual from myth 2.1 E.B. Tylor 3 Myth from ritual (primacy of ritual) 3.1 William Robertson Smith 3.2 Stanley Edgar Hyman 3.3 James Frazer 3.4 Jane Ellen Harrison and S.H. Hooke 4 Myth and ritual as non-coextensive 4.1 Walter Burkert 4.2 Bronisław Malinowski 4.3 Mircea Eliade 5 Notes 6 References 7 Further reading 8 See also

[edit] Overview

The "myth and ritual school" is the name given to a series of authors who have focused their philological studies on the "ritual purposes of myths."^[3] Some of these scholars (e.g., W. Robertson-Smith, James Frazer, Jane Ellen Harrison, S.H. Hooke) supported the "primacy of ritual" hypothesis, which claimed that "every myth is derived from a particular ritual and that the syntagmatic quality of myth is a reproduction of the succession of ritual act."^[2]
Historically, the important approaches to the study of mythological thinking have been those of Vico, Schelling, Schiller, Jung, Freud, Lávy-Bruhl, Lévi-Strauss, Frye, the Soviet school, and the Myth and Ritual School.^[4]
In the 1930s, Soviet researchers such as Jakov E. Golosovker, Frank-Kamenecky, Olga Freidenberg, Mikhail Bakhtin, "grounded the study of myth and ritual in folklore and in the world view of popular culture."^[5]
Following World War II, the semantic study of myth and ritual, particularly by Bill Stanner and Victor Turner, has supported a connection between myth and ritual. However, it has not supported the notion that one preceded and produced the other, as supporters of the "primacy of ritual" hypothesis would claim. According to the currently dominant scholarly view, the link between myth and ritual is that they share common paradigms.^[2]

[edit] Ritual from myth

One possibility immediately presents itself: perhaps ritual arose from myth. Many religious rituals—notably Passover among Jews, Christmas and Easter among Christians, and the Hajj among Muslims—commemorate, or involve commemoration of, events in religious literature.

[edit] E.B. Tylor

Leaving the sphere of historical religions, the ritual-from-myth approach often sees the relationship between myth and ritual as analogous to the relationship between science and technology. The pioneering anthropologist Edward Burnett Tylor is the classic exponent of this view.^[6] He saw myth as an attempt to explain the world: for him, myth was a sort of proto-science.^[7] Ritual is secondary: just as technology is an application of science, so ritual is an application of myth—an attempt to produce certain effects, given the supposed nature of the world: "For Tylor, myth functions to explain the world as an end in itself. Ritual applies that explanation to control the world."^[6] A ritual always presupposes a preexisting myth: in short, myth gives rise to ritual.

[edit] Myth from ritual (primacy of ritual)

Against the intuitive idea that ritual reenacts myth or applies mythical theories, many 19th-century anthropologists supported the opposite position: that myth and religious doctrine result from ritual. This is known as the "primacy of ritual" hypothesis.

[edit] William Robertson Smith

This view was asserted for the first time by the bible scholar William Robertson Smith.^[8] The scholar Meletinsky notes that Smith introduced the concept "dogmatically."^[8] In his Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (1889), Smith draws a distinction between ancient and modern religion: in modern religion, doctrine is central; in ancient religion, ritual is central.^[1] On the whole, Smith argues, ancients tended to be conservative with regard to rituals, making sure to pass them down faithfully. In contrast, the myths that justified those rituals could change. In fact, according to Smith, many of the myths that have come down to us arose "after the original, nonmythic reason [...] for the ritual had somehow been forgotten."^[9]
As an example, Smith gives the worship of Adonis. Worshipers mourned Adonis's mythical death in a ritual that coincided with the annual withering of the vegetation. According to Smith, the ritual mourning originally had a nonmythical explanation: with the annual withering of plants, "the worshippers lament out of natural sympathy [...] just as modern man is touched with melancholy at the falling of autumn leaves."^[10] Once worshipers forgot the original, nonmythical reason for the mourning ritual, they created "the myth of Adonis as the dying and rising god of vegetation [...] to account for the ritual."^[6]

[edit] Stanley Edgar Hyman

In his essay "The Ritual View of Myth and the Mythic," (1955) Stanley Edgar Hyman makes an argument similar to Smith's:

"In Fiji [...] the physical peculiarities of an island with only one small patch of fertile soil are explained by a myth telling how Mberewalaki, a culture hero, flew into a passion at the misbehavior of the people of the island and hurled all the soil he was bringing them in a heap, instead of laying it out properly. Hocart points out that the myth is used aetiologically to explain the nature of the island, but did not originate in that attempt. The adventures of Mberewalaki originated, like all mythology, in ritual performance, and most of the lore of Hocart's Fijian informants consisted of such ritual myths. When they get interested in the topology of the island or are asked about it, Hocart argues, they do precisely what we would do, which is ransack their lore for an answer."^[11]

Here Hyman argues against the etiological interpretation of myth, which says that myths originated from attempts to explain the origins (etiologies) of natural phenomena. If true, the etiological interpretation would make myth older than, or at least independent of, ritual—as E.B. Tylor believes it is. But Hyman argues that people use myth for etiological purposes only after myth is already in place: in short, myths didn't originate as explanations of natural phenomena. Further, Hyman argues, myth originated from ritual performance. Thus, ritual came before myth, and myth depends on ritual for its existence until it gains an independent status as an etiological story.

[edit] James Frazer

The famous anthropologist Sir James George Frazer claimed that myth emerges out of ritual during the natural process of religious evolution. Many of his ideas were inspired by those of Robertson Smith.^[8] In The Golden Bough (1890; 1906–1915), Frazer famously argues that man progresses from belief in magic (and rituals based on magic), through belief in religion, to science.^[12] His argument is as follows.
Man starts out with a reflexive belief in a natural law. He thinks he can influence nature by correctly applying this law: "In magic man depends on his own strength to meet the difficulties and dangers that beset him on every side. He believes in a certain established order of nature on which he can surely count, and which he can manipulate for his own ends."^[12]
However, the natural law man imagines—namely, magic—does not work. When he sees that his pretended natural law is false, man gives up the idea of a knowable natural law and "throws himself humbly on the mercy of certain great invisible beings behind the veil of nature, to whom he now ascribes all those far-reaching powers which he once arrogated to himself."^[12] In other words, when man loses his belief in magic, he justifies his formerly magical rituals by saying that they reenact myths or honor mythical beings. According to Frazer,

"myth changes while custom remains constant; men continue to do what their fathers did before them, though the reasons on which their fathers acted have been long forgotten. The history of religion is a long attempt to reconcile old custom with new reason, to find a sound theory for an absurd practice."^[13]

[edit] Jane Ellen Harrison and S.H. Hooke

The classicist Jane Ellen Harrison and the biblical scholar S.H. Hooke regarded myth as intimately connected to ritual. However, "against Smith," they "vigorously deny" that myth's main purpose is to justify a ritual by giving an account of how it first arose (e.g., justifying the Adonis worshipers' ritual mourning by attributing it to Adonis's mythical death).^[14] Instead, these scholars think a myth is largely just a narrative description of a corresponding ritual: according to Harrison, "the primary meaning of myth ... is the spoken correlative of the acted rite, the thing done."^[15]
Harrison and Hooke gave an explanation for why ancients would feel the need to describe the ritual in a narrative form. They suggest that the spoken word, like the acted ritual, was considered to have magical potency: "The spoken word had the efficacy of an act."^[16]
Like Frazer, Harrison believed that myths could arise as the initial reason a ritual was forgotten or became diluted. As an example, she cited rituals that center on the annual renewal of vegetation. Such rituals often involve a participant who undergoes a staged death and resurrection. Harrison argues that the ritual, although "performed annually, was exclusively initiatory";^[14] it was performed on people to initiate them into their roles as full-standing members of society. At this early point, the "god" was simply "the projection of the euphoria produced by the ritual."^[14] Later, however, this euphoria became personified as a distinct god, and this god later became the god of vegetation, for "just as the initiates symbolically died and were reborn as fully fledged members of society, so the god of vegetation and in turn crops literally died and were reborn."^[14] In time, people forgot the ritual's initiatory function and only remembered its status as a commemoration of the Adonis myth.^[14]

[edit] Myth and ritual as non-coextensive

Not all students of mythology think ritual emerged from myth or myth emerged from ritual: some allow myths and rituals a greater degree of freedom from one another. Although myths and rituals often appear together, these scholars do not think every myth has or had a corresponding ritual, or vice versa.

[edit] Walter Burkert

The classicist Walter Burkert believes myths and rituals were originally independent.^[17] When myths and rituals do come together, he argues, they do so to reinforce each other. A myth that tells how the gods established a ritual reinforces that ritual by giving it divine status: "Do this because the gods did or do it."^[17] A ritual based on a mythical event makes the story of that event more than a mere myth: the myth becomes more important because it narrates an event whose imitation is considered sacred.^[17]
Furthermore, Burkert argues that myth and ritual together serve a "socializing function."^[18] As an example, Burkert gives the example of hunting rituals. Hunting, Burkert argues, took on a sacred, ritualistic aura once it ceased to be necessary for survival: "Hunting lost its basic function with the emergence of agriculture some ten thousand years ago. But hunting ritual had become so important that it could not be given up."^[19] By performing the ritual of hunting together, an ancient society bonded itself together as a group, and also provided a way for its members to vent their anxieties over their own aggressiveness and mortality.^[20]

[edit] Bronisław Malinowski

Like William Smith, the anthropologist Bronisław Malinowski argued in his essay Myth in Primitive Psychology (1926) that myths function as fictitious accounts of the origin of rituals, thereby providing a justification for those rituals: myth "gives rituals a hoary past and thereby sanctions them."^[21] However, Malinowski also points out that many cultural practices besides ritual have related myths: for Malinowski, "myth and ritual are therefore not coextensive."^[21] In other words, not all myths are outgrowths of ritual, and not all rituals are outgrowths of myth.

[edit] Mircea Eliade

Like Malinowski, the religious scholar Mircea Eliade thinks one important function of myth is to provide an explanation for ritual. Eliade notes that, in many societies, rituals are considered important precisely because they were established by the mythical gods or heroes.^[22] Eliade approvingly quotes Malinowski's claim that a myth is "a narrative resurrection of a primeval reality."^[23] Eliade adds: "Because myth relates the gesta [deeds] of Supernatural Beings [...] it becomes the exemplary model for all significant human actions."^[24] Traditional man sees mythical figures as models to be imitated. Therefore, societies claim that many of their rituals were established by mythical figures, thereby making the rituals seem all the more important. However, also like Malinowski, Eliade notes that societies use myths to sanction many kinds of activities, not just rituals: "For him, too, then, myth and ritual are not coextensive."^[21]
Eliade goes beyond Malinowski by giving an explanation for why myth can confer such an importance upon ritual: according to Eliade, "when [ritually] [re-]enacted myth acts as a time machine, carrying one back to the time of the myth and thereby bringing one closer to god."^[21] But, again, for Eliade myth and ritual are not coextensive: the same return to the mythical age can be achieved simply by retelling a myth, without any ritual reenactment. According to Eliade, traditional man sees both myths and rituals as vehicles for "eternal return" to the mythical age (see Eternal return (Eliade)):

"In imitating the exemplary acts of a god or of a mythic hero, or simply by recounting their adventures, the man of an archaic society detaches himself from profane time and magically re-enters the Great Time, the sacred time."^[25]

Recital of myths and enactment of rituals serve a common purpose: they are two different means to remain in sacred time.

[edit] Notes

1. ^ ^{a b} Segal 2004, p. 61
2. ^ ^{a b c} Meletinsky, p. 117
3. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica entries on Myth and Ritual School (religion)
4. ^ Guy Lanoue, Foreword to Meletinsky, p. viii
5. ^ Meletinsky, pp. 109–110
6. ^ ^{a b c} Segal 2004, p. 63
7. ^ Segal, p. 14
8. ^ ^{a b c} Meletinsky pp. 19–20
9. ^ Segal, p. 62
10. ^ Smith, p. 392
11. ^ The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 68, No. 270, Myth: A Symposium (1955), p. 91.
12. ^ ^{a b c} Frazer, p. 711
13. ^ Frazer, p. 477
14. ^ ^{a b c d e} Segal 2004, p. 71
15. ^ Harrison; quoted in Segal (no specific text cited), p. 72
16. ^ Hooke; quoted in Segal (no specific text cited), p. 72
17. ^ ^{a b c} Segal 2004, p. 76
18. ^ Segal, p. 77
19. ^ Burkert (1979), p. 55
20. ^ Segal, p. 78
21. ^ ^{a b c d} Segal 2004, p. 73
22. ^ Eliade, "Myth and Reality," p. 7
23. ^ Malinowski, "Myth in Primitive Psychology" (1926; reprinted in "Magic, Science and Religion" [New York: 1955], pp. 101, 108), quoted in Eliade, "Myth and Reality," p. 20
24. ^ Eliade, "Myth and Reality," p. 6
25. ^ Eliade, "Myths, Dreams and Mysteries," p. 23

[edit] References

• Burkert, W. (1979). Structure and history in Greek mythology and ritual. Sather classical lectures, v. 47. Berkeley: University of California Press
• Eliade, Mircea:
  • Myth and Reality. Trans. Willard R. Trask. New York: Harper & Row, 1963.
  • Myths, Dreams and Mysteries. Trans. Philip Mairet. New York: Harper & Row, 1967.
• Frazer, James G. The Golden Bough. New York: Macmillan, 1922.
• Meletinsky, Eleazar Moiseevich The Poetics of Myth (Translated by Guy Lanoue and Alexandre Sadetsky, foreword by Guy Lanoue) 2000 Routledge ISBN 0-415-92898-2
• Sebeok, Thomas A. (Editor). Myth: A Symposium. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1958.
• Segal, Robert A. Myth: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2004.
• Smith, William Robertson. Lectures on the Religion of the Semites. First Series, 1st edition. Edinburgh: Black, 1889. Lecture 1.

[edit] Further reading

• Ackerman, Robert (2002) The Myth and Ritual School: J.G. Frazer and the Cambridge Ritualists, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-93963-1.
• Burkert, W. (1983) Homo necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth, trans. Peter Bing, Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-03650-6.
• Burkert, W. (2001). Savage energies: lessons of myth and ritual in ancient Greece. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Kwang-chih Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China. 1983.
• Segal, Robert A. (1998). The myth and ritual theory: an anthology. Malden, Mass: Blackwell.
• Watts, A. (1968). Myth and ritual in Christianity. Boston: Beacon Press.
• Clyde Kluckhohn, Myths and Rituals: A General Theory. The Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 35, No. 1 (Jan., 1942), pp. 45–79
• Lord Raglan, Myth and Ritual. The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 68, No. 270, Myth: A Symposium (Oct.–Dec., 1955), pp. 454–461 doi 10.2307/536770
• WG Doty, Mythography: The Study of Myths and Rituals. University of Alabama Press, 1986.
• Stephanie W Jamison, The Ravenous Hyenas and the Wounded Sun: Myth and Ritual in Ancient India. 1991.
• Christopher A Faraone, Talismans and Trojan Horses: Guardian Statues in Ancient Greek Myth and Ritual. 1992.
• R Stivers, Evil in modern myth and ritual. University of Georgia Press Athens, Ga., 1982
• SH Hooke, The Myth and Ritual Pattern of the Ancient East. Myth and Ritual, 1933.
• HS Versnel, Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual. Brill, 1993.
• Barthes, Roland, Mythologies (Paladin, 1972, London) translated by Annette Lavers
• Wise, R. Todd, The Great Vision of Black Elk as Literary Ritual, in Black Elk Reader, Syracuse University Press, June 2000.

[edit] See also

General

• Comparative mythology
• Mythography,
• Religion and mythology,
• Magic and religion
• Etiology
• Anthropology of religion

People

• Walter Burkert

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Shamanism.

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 "Shaman" redirects here. For other uses, see Shaman (disambiguation).

The earliest known depiction of a Siberian shaman, produced by the Dutch explorer Nicolaes Witsen, who authored an account of his travels among Samoyedic- and Tungusic-speaking peoples in 1692. Witsen labelled the illustration as a "Priest of the Devil" and gave this figure clawed feet to highlight what Witsen perceived as demonic qualities.^[1]

Shamanism ( /ˈʃɑːmən/ SHAH-mən or /ˈʃeɪmən/ SHAY-mən) is a practice that involves a practitioner reaching altered states of consciousness in order to encounter and interact with the Spirit world.^[2] A shaman is a person regarded as having access to, and influence in the world of benevolent and malevolent spirits, who typically enters into a trance state during a ritual, and practices divination and healing.^[3]
The term "shamanism" was first applied to the ancient religion of the Turks and Mongols, as well as those of the neighboring Tungusic and Samoyedic-speaking peoples. The word "shaman" originates from the Evenk language (Tungusic) of North Asia and was introduced to the west after the Russian forces conquered shaman Khanate of Kazan in 1552. Upon learning more about religious traditions across the world, western scholars also described similar magico-religious practices found within the indigenous religions of other parts of Asia, Africa, Australasia and the Americas as shamanism. Various historians have argued that shamanism also played a role in many of the pre-Christian religions of Europe, and that shamanic elements may have survived in popular culture right through to the Early Modern period. Various archaeologists and historians of religion have also suggested that shamanism may have been a dominant pre-religious practice for humanity during the Palaeolithic.
Mircea Eliade writes, "A first definition of this complex phenomenon, and perhaps the least hazardous, will be: shamanism = 'technique of religious ecstasy'."^[4] Shamanism encompasses the premise that shamans are intermediaries or messengers between the human world and the spirit worlds. Shamans are said to treat ailments/illness by mending the soul. Alleviating traumas affecting the soul/spirit restores the physical body of the individual to balance and wholeness. The shaman also enters supernatural realms or dimensions to obtain solutions to problems afflicting the community. Shamans may visit other worlds/dimensions to bring guidance to misguided souls and to ameliorate illnesses of the human soul caused by foreign elements. The shaman operates primarily within the spiritual world, which in turn affects the human world. The restoration of balance results in the elimination of the ailment.^[4]
Shamanic beliefs and practices have attracted the interest of scholars from a wide variety of disciplines, including anthropologists, archaeologists, historians, religious studies scholars and psychologists. Hundreds of books and academic papers on the subject have been produced, with a peer-reviewed academic journal being devoted to the study of shamanisms. In the 20th century, many westerners involved in the counter-cultural movement adopted magico-religious practices influenced by indigenous shamanisms from across the world, creating the Neoshamanic movement.

Contents [hide] 1 Terminology 1.1 Etymology 1.2 Definitions 2 Initiation and learning 3 Roles 4 Ecological aspect 5 Economics 6 Beliefs 6.1 Soul and spirit concepts 7 Practice 7.1 Music, songs 7.2 Paraphernalia 8 Academic study 8.1 Cognitive, semiotic, hermeneutic approaches 8.2 Ecological approaches, systems theory 8.3 Hypotheses on origins 8.4 Clinical trial 8.5 Historical-Anthropological School of Folkloristics 9 Decline and revitalization / tradition-preserving movements 10 Regional variations 10.1 Asia 10.1.1 Mongolia 10.1.2 Hmong shamanism 10.1.3 Korea 10.1.4 Japan 10.1.5 Siberia 10.1.6 Central Asia 10.1.6.1 Geographic influences on Central Asian shamanism 10.1.6.2 Common shamanic practices and beliefs shared among Central Asians 10.1.6.3 Shamanic rituals as artistic performance 10.1.6.4 Costume and accessories 10.1.6.5 Shamanism in Tsarist and Soviet Russia 10.1.7 Other Asian traditions 10.2 Europe 10.3 Circumpolar shamanism 10.3.1 Inuit and Yupik cultures 10.3.2 Diversity, with similarities 10.4 Africa 10.5 Americas 10.5.1 North America 10.5.1.1 Extirpation in North America 10.5.2 Mesoamerica 10.5.2.1 Maya 10.5.2.2 Aztec 10.5.3 South America 10.5.3.1 Amazonia 10.5.3.2 Mapuche 10.5.3.3 Aymara 10.5.3.4 Fuegians 10.6 Oceania 10.7 Contemporary Western shamanism 11 Criticism of the term 12 See also 13 Notes 14 References 15 Further reading 16 External links

[edit] Terminology

[edit] Etymology

The word "shaman" is based upon the Evenk language word "šamán".^[5] The Tungusic term was subsequently adopted by Russians interacting with the indigenous peoples in Siberia. It is found in the memoirs of the exiled Russian churchman Avvakum.^[6] The word was brought to Western Europe in 1692 by the Dutch traveler Nicolaes Witsen who reported his stay and journeys among the Tungusic- and Samoyedic-speaking indigenous peoples of Siberia in his book Noord en Oost Tataryen.^[7] Adam Brand, a merchant from Lübeck, published in 1698 his account of a Russian ambassy to China and a translation of his book, published the same year, introduced the word to English speakers.^[8]

[edit] Definitions

There is no single agreed upon definition for the word "shamanism" among anthropologists. The English historian Ronald Hutton noted that by the dawn of the 21st century, there were four separate definitions of the term which appeared to be in use. The first of these uses the term to refer to "anybody who contacts a spirit world while in an altered state of consciousness." The second definition limits the term to refer to those who contact a spirit world while in an altered state of consciousness at the behest of others. The third definition attempts to distinguish shamans from other magico-religious specialists who are believed to contact spirits, such as "mediums", "witch doctors", "spiritual healers" or "prophets", by claiming that they undertake a particular technique not used by the others. Problematically, scholars advocating this position have failed to agree on what this defining technique should be. The fourth definition identified by Hutton uses "shamanism" to refer to the indigenous religions of Siberia and neighbouring parts of Asia.^[9]

Russian postcard based on a photo taken in 1908 by S. I. Borisov, showing a female shaman, of probable Khakas ethnicity.^[10]

[edit] Initiation and learning

Shamans are normally "called" by dreams or signs which require lengthy training. However, shamanic powers may be inherited.
Turner and colleagues^[11] mention a phenomenon called shamanistic initiatory crisis. A rite of passage for shamans-to-be, commonly involving physical illness and/or psychological crisis. The significant role of initiatory illnesses in the calling of a shaman can be found in the detailed case history of Chuonnasuan, the last master shaman among the Tungus peoples in Northeast China.^[12]
The wounded healer is an archetype for a shamanic traii and journey. This process is important to the young shaman. S/he undergoes a type of sickness that pushes her or him to the brink of death. This happens for two reasons:

1. The shaman crosses over to the under world. This happens so the shaman can venture to its depths to bring back vital information for the sick, and the tribe.
2. The shaman must become sick to understand sickness. When the shaman overcomes her or his own sickness s/he will hold the cure to heal all that suffer. This is the uncanny mark of the wounded healer.^[13]

[edit] Roles

Nez Perce medicine man, performing his mysteries over a dying man, 1832 by George Catlin, Smithsonian American Art Museum.

The shaman's social role is usually defined by the obligations, actions and responsibilities expected of them within their individual cultures.

South Moluccan Shaman exorcising evil spirits occupying children, Buru. 1920.

Shamans gain knowledge and the power to heal by entering into the spiritual world or dimension. Most shamans have dreams or visions that tell them certain things. The shaman may have or acquire many spirit guides, who often guide and direct the shaman in his/her travels in the spirit world. These spirit guides are always present within the shaman though others only encounter them when the shaman is in a trance. The spirit guide energizes the shaman, enabling him/her to enter the spiritual dimension. The shaman heals within the spiritual dimension by returning 'lost' parts of the human soul from wherever they have gone. The shaman also cleanses excess negative energies which confuse or pollute the soul.^{[citation needed]}
Shamans act as mediators in their culture.^[14][15] The shaman communicates with the spirits on behalf of the community, including the spirits of the deceased. The shaman communicates with both living and dead to alleviate unrest, unsettled issues, and to deliver gifts to the spirits. Shamans assist in soul retrieval. In shamanism it is believed that part of the human soul is free to leave the body. The soul is the axis mundi, the center of the shamanic healing arts. Shamans change their state of consciousness allowing their free soul to travel and retrieve ancient wisdom and lost power.^{[citation needed]}
Because a portion of the soul is free to leave the body it will do so when dreaming, or it will leave the body to protect itself from potentially damaging situations, be they emotional or physical. In situations of trauma the soul piece may not return to the body on its own, and a shaman must intervene and return the soul essence.^{[citation needed]}
Among the Selkups, the sea duck is a spirit animal because ducks fly in the air and dive in the water. Thus ducks belong to both the upper world and the world below.^[16] Among other Siberian peoples these characteristics are attributed to water fowl in general.^[17] Among many Native Americans, the jaguar is a spirit animal because jaguars walk on earth, swim in water, and climb in trees. Thus jaguars belong to all three worlds, Sky, Earth, and Underworld.
Shamans perform a variety of functions depending upon their respective cultures;^[18] healing,^[19][20] leading a sacrifice,^[21] preserving the tradition by storytelling and songs,^[22] fortune-telling,^[23] and acting as a psychopomp (literal meaning, "guide of souls").^[24] A single shaman may fulfill several of these functions.^[18]
The functions of a shaman may include either guiding to their proper abode the souls of the dead (which may be guided either one-at-a-time or in a cumulative group, depending on culture), and/or curing (healing) of ailments. The ailments may be either purely physical afflictions—such as disease, which may be cured by gifting, flattering, threatening, or wrestling the disease-spirit (sometimes trying all these, sequentially), and which may be completed by displaying a supposedly extracted token of the disease-spirit (displaying this, even if "fraudulent", is supposed to impress the disease-spirit that it has been, or is in the process of being, defeated, so that it will retreat and stay out of the patient's body) --, or else mental (including psychosomatic) afflictions—such as persistent terror (on account of a frightening experience), which may be likewise cured by similar methods. Usually in most languages a different term other than the one translated "shaman" is applied to a religious official leading sacrificial rites ("priest"), or to a raconteur ("sage") of traditional lore; there may be more of an overlap in functions (with that of a shaman), however, in the case of an interpreter of omens or of dreams.
There are distinct types of shaman who perform more specialized functions. For example, among the Nani people, a distinct kind of shaman acts as a psychopomp.^[25] Other specialized shamans may be distinguished according to the type of spirits, or realms of the spirit world, with which the shaman most commonly interacts. These roles vary among the Nenets, Enets, and Selkup shaman (paper;^[26] online^[27]). Among the Huichol,^[28] there are two categories of shaman. This demonstrates the differences among shamans within a single tribe.
Among the Hmong people, the shaman or the Ntxiv Neej (Tee-Neng), acts as healer. The Ntxiv Neej also performs rituals/ceremonies designed to call the soul back from its many travels to the physical human body. A Ntxiv Neej may use several shamanistic tools such as swords, divinity horns, a gong (drum), or finger bells/jingles. All tools serve to protect the spirits from the eyes of the unknown, thus enabling the Ntxiv Neej to deliver souls back to their proper owner. The Ntxiv Neej may wear a white, red, or black veil to disguise the soul from its attackers in the spiritual dimension.
Boundaries between the shaman and laity are not always clearly defined. Among the Barasana of Brazil, there is no absolute difference between those men recognized as shamans and those who are not^{[citation needed]}. At the lowest level, most adult men have abilities as shamans and will carry out the same functions as those men who have a widespread reputation for their powers and knowledge. The Barasana shaman knows more myths and understands their meaning better, nonetheless the majority of adult men also know many myths.^[29]
Among Inuit peoples the laity have experiences which are commonly attributed to the shamans of those Inuit groups. Daydream, reverie, and trance are not restricted to shamans.^[30] Control over helping spirits is the primary characteristic attributed to shamans. The laity usually employ amulets, spells, formulas, songs.^[30][31] Among the Greenland Inuit, the laity have greater capacity to relate with spiritual beings. These people are often apprentice shamans who failed to complete their initiations.^[32]
The assistant of an Oroqen shaman (called jardalanin, or "second spirit") knows many things about the associated beliefs. He or she accompanies the rituals and interprets the behavior of the shaman.^[33] Despite these functions, the jardalanin is not a shaman. For this interpretative assistant, it would be unwelcome to fall into trance.^[34]
==Gender Recent archaeological evidence suggests that the earliest known shamans—dating back to the Upper Paleolithic era in what is now the Czech Republic—were women.^[35]

[edit] Ecological aspect

Resources for human consumption are easily depletable in tropical rainforests. Among the Tucano people, a sophisticated system exists for environmental resources management and for avoiding resource depletion through overhunting. This system is conceptualized mythologically and symbolically by the belief that breaking hunting restrictions may cause illness. As the primary teacher of tribal symbolism, the shaman may have a leading role in this ecological management, actively restricting hunting and fishing. The shaman is able to "release" game animals, or their souls, from their hidden abodes.^[36][37] The Piaroa people have ecological concerns related to shamanism.^[38] Among the Inuit, shamans fetch the souls of game from remote places,^[39][40] or soul travel to ask for game from mythological beings like the Sea Woman.^[41]

[edit] Economics

The way shamans get sustenance and take part in everyday life varies among cultures. In many Inuit groups, they provide services for the community and get a "due payment" (cultures^[who?] believe the payment is given to the helping spirits^[42]), but these goods are only "welcome addenda." They are not enough to enable shamanizing as a full-time activity. Shamans live like any other member of the group, as hunter or housewife.^[32][42]

[edit] Beliefs

There are many variations of shamanism throughout the world, but several common beliefs are shared by all forms of shamanism. Common beliefs identified by Eliade (1972)^[4] are the following:

• Spirits exist and they play important roles both in individual lives and in human society.
• The shaman can communicate with the spirit world.
• Spirits can be benevolent or malevolent.
• The shaman can treat sickness caused by malevolent spirits.
• The shaman can employ trance inducing techniques to incite visionary ecstasy and go on vision quests.
• The shaman's spirit can leave the body to enter the supernatural world to search for answers.
• The shaman evokes animal images as spirit guides, omens, and message-bearers.
• The shaman can tell the future, scry, throw bones/runes, and perform other varied forms of divination

Shamanism is based on the premise that the visible world is pervaded by invisible forces or spirits which affect the lives of the living.^[43] Although the causes of disease lie in the spiritual realm, inspired by malicious spirits or witchcraft, both spiritual and physical methods are used to heal. Commonly, a shaman "enters the body" of the patient to confront the spiritual infirmity and heals by banishing the infectious spirit.
Many shamans have expert knowledge of medicinal plants native to their area, and an herbal treatment is often prescribed. In many places shamans learn directly from the plants, harnessing their effects and healing properties, after obtaining permission from the indwelling or patron spirits. In the Peruvian Amazon Basin, shamans and curanderos use medicine songs called icaros to evoke spirits. Before a spirit can be summoned it must teach the shaman its song.^[43] The use of totemic items such as rocks with special powers and an animating spirit is common.
Such practices are presumably very ancient. Plato wrote in his Phaedrus that the "first prophecies were the words of an oak", and that those who lived at that time found it rewarding enough to "listen to an oak or a stone, so long as it was telling the truth".
Belief in witchcraft and sorcery, known as brujería in Latin America, exists in many societies. These distinguish shamans who cure from sorcerers who harm. Other societies assert all shamans have the power to both cure and kill. Shamanic knowledge usually enjoys great power and prestige in the community,^{[citation needed]} but it may also be regarded suspiciously or fearfully as potentially harmful to others.
By engaging in their work, a shaman is exposed to significant personal risk, from the spirit world, from enemy shamans, or from the means employed to alter the shaman's state of consciousness. Shamanic plant materials can be toxic or fatal if misused. Failure to return from an out-of-body journey can lead to death^{[citation needed]}. Spells are commonly used to protect against these dangers, and the use of more dangerous plants is often very highly ritualized.

[edit] Soul and spirit concepts

The variety of functions described above may seem like distinct tasks, but they may be united by underlying soul and spirit concepts.

Soul

This concept can generally explain more, seemingly unassociated phenomena in shamanism:^[44][45][46]

Healing

This concept may be based closely on the soul concepts of the belief system of the people served by the shaman (online^[19]). It may consist of retrieving the lost soul of the ill person.^[47] See also the soul dualism concept.

Scarcity of hunted game

This problem can be solved by "releasing" the souls of the animals from their hidden abodes. Besides that, many taboos may prescribe the behavior of people towards game, so that the souls of the animals do not feel angry or hurt, or the pleased soul of the already killed prey can tell the other, still living animals, that they can allow themselves to be caught and killed.^[48][49] For the ecological aspects of shamanistic practice, and related beliefs, see below.

Infertility of women

This problem can be cured by obtaining the soul of the expected child.

Spirits

Beliefs related to spirits can explain many different phenomena.^[50] For example, the importance of storytelling, or acting as a singer, can be understood better if we examine the whole belief system. A person who can memorize long texts or songs, and play an instrument, may be regarded as the beneficiary of contact with the spirits (eg. Khanty people).^[51]

[edit] Practice

Generally, the shaman traverses the axis mundi and enters the spirit world by effecting a transition of consciousness, entering into an ecstatic trance, either autohypnotically or through the use of entheogens. The methods employed are diverse, and are often used together. Methods for effecting such trances are:

Plants (often psychoactive)	Other
Psilocybin mushrooms Cannabis Tobacco San Pedro cactus Peyote[28] Ayahuasca[43] Cedar Datura Deadly nightshade Fly agaric Iboga Morning glory Sage Salvia divinorum Hawaiian Baby Woodrose	Dancing Singing Music Icaros / Medicine Songs[43] Vigils Fasting Sweat lodge Vision quests Mariri Swordfighting / Bladesmithing

Shamans will often observe dietary or customary restrictions particular to their tradition. These restrictions are more than just cultural. For example, the diet followed by shamans and apprentices prior to participating in an ayahuasca ceremony includes foods rich in tryptophan (a biosynthetic precursor to serotonin) as well as avoiding foods rich in tyramine, which could induce hypertensive crisis if ingested with MAOIs such as are found in ayahuasca brews as well as abstinence from alcohol or sex.^[43]

[edit] Music, songs

See also: Shamanic music and Imitation of sounds in shamanism

Just like shamanism itself,^[52] music and songs related to it in various cultures are diverse, far from being alike. In several instances, songs related to shamanism are intended to imitate natural sounds, via onomatopoeia.^[53]
Sound mimesis in various cultures may serve other functions not necessarily related to shamanism: practical goals as luring game in the hunt;^[54] or entertainment (Inuit throat singing).^[54][55]

[edit] Paraphernalia

Shamans may have various kinds of paraphernalia in different cultures.

Goldes shaman priest in his regalia

Artist's depiction of a Shaman's drum with a three-world cosmology.^[56] The vertical arrow symbolizes the World Tree, which stands in the center of the world.^[57] It unites the underworld, the earthly world, and heaven.^[58] This presentation can be found on shaman drums of the Turks, Mongols and Tungusic peoples in Central Asia and Siberia.

• Drum – The drum is used by shamans of several peoples in Siberia, the Inuit, and many other cultures all over the world,^[59] although its usage for shamanistic seances may be lacking among the Inuit of Canada.^[60] The beating of the drum allows the shaman to achieve an altered state of consciousness or to travel on a journey between the physical and spiritual worlds.^[61] Much fascination surrounds the role that the acoustics of the drum play to the shaman. Shaman drums are generally constructed of an animal-skin stretched over a bent wooden hoop, with a handle across the hoop.
• Feathers – In numerous North and South American cultures, as well as in Europe and Asia, birds are seen as messengers of the spirits. Feathers are often used in ceremonies and in individual healing rituals.
• Rattle – Found mostly among South American^[62] and African peoples. Also used in ceremonies among the Navajo and in traditional ways in their blessings and ceremonies.
• Gong – Often found through South East Asia, Far Eastern peoples.
• Pipe – Used for smoking various tobaccos and psychoactive herbs (e.g. tobacco in North and South America, cannabis in India).
• Sword – In Hmong Shamanism, a holy sword will always be used in the practice to protect the shaman from wandering "evil" spirits as he travels to the spirit world.
• Shake – Found mostly in Hmong Shamanism, the shaman begins his practice by rattling, which turns into a shake. It is the process of communicating with his shamanistic spirits to guide him to the spirit world.
• Long Table – A flexible wooden table, approximately nine by two feet, is used in Hmong Shamanism; the table transforms into a "flying horse" in the spirit world.
• Rooster – A rooster is often used in Hmong Shamanism. A shaman uses a rooster when he journeys to the unknown. It is said that the rooster shields the shaman from wandering "evil" spirits by making him invisible; thus, the evil spirits only see the rooster's useless spirit.

[edit] Academic study

Sami shaman with his drum

[edit] Cognitive, semiotic, hermeneutic approaches

As mentioned, a (debated) approach explains the etymology of word "shaman" as meaning "one who knows".^[63][64] Really, the shaman is a person who is an expert in keeping together the multiple codes of the society. Accordingly, the society's codes are the manifestation of the society's underlying complex belief system. Thus to be effective, shamans maintain a comprehensive view in their mind which gives them certainty of knowledge.^[52] The shaman uses (and the audience understands) multiple codes. Shamans express meanings in many ways: verbally, musically, artistically, and in dance. Meanings may be manifested in objects such as amulets.^[64]
The shaman knows the culture of his or her community well,^[15][65][66] and acts accordingly. Thus, their audience knows the used symbols and meanings—that is why shamanism can be efficient: people in the audience trust it.^[66] For example, the shaman's drumming can appear to its members as certainty of knowledge—this explains the above described etymology for the word "shaman" as meaning "one who knows."^[67]
There are semiotic theoretical approaches to shamanism,^[68][69][70] ("ethnosemiotics"). The symbols on the shaman's costume and drum can refer to Power animals, or to the rank of the shaman.
There are also examples of "mutually opposing symbols", distinguishing a "white" shaman who contacts sky spirits for good aims by day, from a "black" shaman who contacts evil spirits for bad aims by night.^[71] (Series of such opposing symbols referred to a world-view behind them. Analogously to the way grammar arranges words to express meanings and convey a world, also this formed a cognitive map?).^[52][72] Shaman's lore is rooted in the folklore of the community, which provides a "mythological mental map".^[73][74] Juha Pentikäinen uses the concept "grammar of mind".^[74][75] Linking to a Sami example, Kathleen Osgood Dana writes:

Juha Pentikäinen, in his introduction to Shamanism and Northern Ecology, explains how the Sámi drum embodies Sámi worldviews. He considers shamanism to be a ‘grammar of mind’ (10), because shamans need to be experts in the folklore of their cultures (11).^[76]

Armin Geertz coined and introduced the hermeneutics,^[77] "ethnohermeneutics",^[72] approaches to the practice of interpretation. Hoppál extended the term to include not only the interpretation of oral and written texts, but that of "visual texts as well (including motions, gestures and more complex ritual, and ceremonies performed for instance by shamans)".^[78] It not only reveals the animistic views hiding behind shamanism, but also conveys their relevance for the contemporary world, where ecological problems have validated paradigms about balance and protection.^[74]

[edit] Ecological approaches, systems theory

Other fieldworks use systems theory concepts and ecological considerations to understand the shaman's lore. Desana and Tucano Indians have developed a sophisticated symbolism and concepts of "energy" flowing between people and animals in cyclic paths. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff relates these concepts to developments in the ways that modern science (systems theory, ecology, new approaches in anthropology and archeology) treats causality in a less linear fashion.^[36] He also suggests a cooperation of modern science and indigenous lore (online^[79]).

[edit] Hypotheses on origins

Shamanic practices may originate as early as the Paleolithic, predating all organized religions,^[80][81] and certainly as early as the Neolithic period.^[81] Early anthropologist studies theorise that shamanism developped as a magic practice to ensure a successful hunt or gathering of food. Evidence in caves and drawings on walls support indications that shamanism started during the Paleolithic era. One such picture featured a half-animal, with the face and legs of a man, with antlers and a tail of a stag.^[82]
Archaeological evidence exists for Mesolithic shamanism. In November 2008, researchers announced the discovery of a 12,000-year-old site in Israel that is perceived as one of the earliest known shaman burials. The elderly woman had been arranged on her side, with her legs apart and folded inward at the knee. Ten large stones were placed on the head, pelvis and arms. Among her unusual grave goods were 50 complete tortoise shells, a human foot, and certain body parts from animals such as a cow tail and eagle wings. Other animal remains came from a boar, leopard, and two martens. "It seems that the woman … was perceived as being in a close relationship with these animal spirits", researchers noted. The grave was one of at least 28 at the site, located in a cave in lower Galilee and belonging to the Natufian culture, but is said to be unlike any other among the Natufians or in the Paleolithic period.^[83]

[edit] Clinical trial

The Kaiser Permanente Center For Health Research in Portland, Oregon conducted a phase I study into the effectiveness of shamanic healing as a treatment for chronic face and jaw pain. Twenty-three women who were diagnosed with Temporomandibular Joint Disorders (TMDs) participated in the study. At the end of treatment only four were clinically diagnosed with the TMDs present at the beginning of the study.^[84]

[edit] Historical-Anthropological School of Folkloristics

Folklorists have evaluated the presence of remnants of shamanism and shamanic practice in folktales from around the world. Michael Berman identified the genre of the shamanic story, examples of which are only produced by folk groups with shamanic cosmology or a shamanic world view. Kultkrantz points out that, “in areas where shamanism has long been a thing of the past, many tales contain only vague, piecemeal or inaccurate recollections of shamans and their like.”^[85] The presence of distinctive characteristics and features of shamanic stories help folklorists and anthropologists reconstruct a culture’s practice of shamanism.^[86]

[edit] Decline and revitalization / tradition-preserving movements

Shamanism is believed to be declining around the world. Possibly due to other organised religious influences, like Christianity, that want people who practice shamanism to convert to their own system and doctrine. Another reason is western views of shamanism as 'primitive', 'superstitious', backwarded and outdated. Whalers who frequently interact with Inuit tribes are one source of this decline in that region.^[87]

A recent photograph: shaman doctor of Kyzyl, 2005. (Details missing). Attempts are being made to preserve and revitalize Tuvan shamanism:^[88] former authentic shamans have begun to practice again, and young apprentices are being educated in an organized way.^[89]

In many areas, former shamans ceased to fulfill the functions in the community they used to, as they felt mocked by their own community,^[90] or regarded their own past as a deprecated thing, and unwilling to talk about it to an ethnographer.^[91]
Moreover, besides personal communications of former shamans, folklore texts may narrate directly about a deterioration process. For example, a Buryat epic text details the wonderful deeds of the ancient "first shaman" Kara-Gürgän:^[92] he could even compete with God, create life, steal back the soul of the sick from God without his consent. A subsequent text laments that shamans of older times were stronger, possessing capabilities like omnividence,^[93] fortune-telling even for decades in the future, moving as fast as a bullet; the texts contrast them to the recent heartless, unknowing, greedy shamans.^[94]
In most affected areas, shamanic practices ceased to exist, with authentic shamans dying and their personal experiences dying with them. The loss of memories is not always lessened by the fact the shaman is not always the only person in a community who knows the beliefs and motives related to the local shaman-hood (laics know myths as well, among Barasana, even though less;^[29] there are former shaman apprentices unable to complete the learning among Greenlandic Inuit peoples,^[32] moreover, even laics can have trance-like experiences among the Inuit;^[30] the assistant of a shaman can be extremely knowledgeable among Dagara^[33][34]). Although the shaman is often believed and trusted precisely because s/he "accommodates" to the "grammar" of the beliefs of the community,^[66] several parts of the knowledge related to the local shamanhood consist of personal experiences of the shaman (illness), or root in his/her family life (the interpretation of the symbolics of his/her drum),^[95] thus, those are lost with his/her death. Besides that, in many cultures, the entire traditional belief system has become endangered (often together with a partial or total language shift), the other people of the community remembering the associated beliefs and practices (or the language at all) grew old or died, many folklore memories (songs, texts) were forgotten - which may threaten even such peoples who could preserve their isolation until the middle of the 20th century, like the Nganasan.^[96]
Some areas could enjoy a prolonged resistance due to their remoteness.

• Variants of shamanism among Inuit peoples were once a widespread (and very diverse) phenomenon, but today are rarely practiced, and they were already in decline among many groups, even durinng the first major ethnological research was done,^[97] e.g. among Polar Inuit, at the end of 19th century, Sagloq, the last shaman who was believed to be able to travel to the sky and under the sea died — and many other former shamanic capacities were lost during that time as well, like ventriloquism and sleight-of-hand.^[98]
• The isolated location of Nganasan people allowed shamanism to be a living phenomenon among them even at the beginning of 20th century,^[99] the last notable Nganasan shaman's ceremonies could be recorded on film in the 1970s.^[100]

After exemplifying the general decline even in the most remote areas, let us^[who?] mention that there are revitalization or tradition-preserving efforts as a response. Besides collecting the memories,^[101] there are also tradition-preserving^[102] and even revitalization efforts,^[103] led by authentic former shamans (for example among Sakha people^[104] and Tuvans^[89]). However, according to Richard L. Allen, Research & Policy Analyst for the Cherokee Nation, they are overwhelmed with fraudulent Shaman. "One may assume that anyone claiming to be a Cherokee 'shaman, spiritual healer, or pipe-carrier', is equivalent to a modern day medicine show and snake-oil vendor."^[105] In fact, there is no Cherokee word for Shaman or Medicine Man. The Cherokee word for "medicine" is Nvowti which means "power".
Besides tradition-preserving efforts, there are also neoshamanistic movements, these may differ from many tradtitional shamanistic practice and beliefs in several points.^[106] Admittedly,^{[according to whom?]} several traditional beliefs systems indeed have ecological considerations (for example, many Eskimo peoples), and among Tukano people, the shaman indeed has direct resource-protecting roles, see details in section Ecological aspect.
Today, shamanism survives primarily among indigenous peoples. Shamanic practices continue today in the tundras, jungles, deserts, and other rural areas, and even in cities, towns, suburbs, and shantytowns all over the world. This is especially true for Africa and South America, where "mestizo shamanism" is widespread.

[edit] Regional variations

[edit] Asia

[edit] Mongolia

Main article: Mongolian shamanism

Mongolian shamanism has the longest recorded history in the world.^{[citation needed]} The word Böö "shaman; spirit medium; healer" first appeared on oracle bones from the late Shang Dynasty (ca. 1600–1046 BCE). Mongolian classics from the Hunnu Dynasty (1045-256 BCE) provide details about male and female shamans serving as exorcists, healers, rainmakers, oneiromancers, soothsayers, and officials. Shamanic practices continue in present day Mongolia culture.^{[107][108][109][110]}
The spiritual hierarchy in clan-based Mongolian society was complex. The highest group consisted of 99 tngri (55 of them benevolent or "white" and 44 terrifying or "black"), 77 natigai or "earth-mothers", besides others. The tngri were called upon only by leaders and great shamans and were common to all the clans. After these, three groups of ancestral spirits dominated. The "Lord-Spirits" were the souls of clan leaders to whom any member of a clan could appeal for physical or spiritual help. The "Protector-Spirits" included the souls of great shamans (ĵigari) and shamanesses (abĵiya). The "Guardian-Spirits" were made up of the souls of smaller shamans (böge) and shamanesses (idugan) and were associated with a specific locality (including mountains, rivers, etc.) in the clan's territory.^[111]
In the 1990s, a form of Mongolian neo-shamanism was created which has given a more modern approach to shamanism. Mongolian shamans are now making a business out of their profession and even have offices in the larger towns. At these businesses, a shaman generally heads the organization and performs services such as healing, fortunetelling, and solving all kinds of problems.^[112]

[edit] Hmong shamanism

Main article: Hmong customs and culture#Shamanism

The Hmong people,^[113] as an ancient people of China with a 5,000 year history, continue to maintain and practice its form of shamanism known as "Ua Neeb" in mainland Asia. At the end of the Vietnam War, some 300,000 Hmong have been settled across the globe. They have continued to practice Ua Neeb in various countries in the North and South America, Europe and Australia. In the USA, the Hmong shaman practitioner is known as "Txiv Neeb" has been license by many hospitals in California as being part of the medical health team to treat patients in hospital. This revival of Ua Neeb in the West has been brought great success and has been hailed in the media as "Doctor for the disease, shaman for the soul".
Being a Hmong shaman represents a true vocation, chosen by the shaman God "Sivyis".^[114] A shaman main job is to bring harmony to the individual, his family and his community within his environment by performing various rituals (trance).
Animal sacrifice has been part of the Hmong shamanic practice for the past 5,000 years. Contrary to the belief of many Westerners, the Hmong practice of using animal in shamanic practice has been done with great respect. After the Vietnam War, over 200,000 Hmong were resettled in the USA and shamanism is still part of the Hmong culture. But due the colluding of culture and the law, as Professor Alison Dundes Renteln, a political science professor at the University of Southern California and author of The Cultural Defense, a book that examines the influence of such cases on U.S. courts, once said, "We say that as a society we welcome diversity, and in fact that we embrace it...In practice, it's not that easy.".^[115]
The Hmong believe that all things on Earth has a soul(s) and those souls are treated as equal and can be considered interchangeable. When a person is sick due to his soul being loss or captured by wild spirit, it is necessary to ask and get permission of that animal, whether it is a chicken, pig, dog, goat or any other animals is required, to use its soul for an exchange with that person's soul for period of 12 months. At the end of that 12 months period, during the Hmong New Year, the shaman performed a special ritual to release the soul of that animal and send it off to the world beyond. As part of his service to mankind, the animal soul is sent off to be re-incarnated into a higher form of animal or even to become a member of a god's family (ua Fuab Tais Ntuj tus tub, tus ntxhais) to live a life of luxury, free of the suffering as an animal. Hence, being asked to perform this duty (what Westerner called "animal sacrifice) is one of the a greatest honor for that animal to be able to serve mankind. The Hmong of Southeast Guizhou will cover the cock with a piece of red cloth and then hold it up to worship and sacrifice to the Heaven and the Earth before the cockfight.^[116] In a 2010 trial of a Sheboygan Wisconsin Hmong that was charged with staging a cockfight, it was stated that the roosters were “kept for both food and religious purposes”^[117] followed by an acquittal.^[118]
In addition to the spiritual dimension, Hmong shaman can treat many physical illness by using text of sacred words (khawv koob).

[edit] Korea

Main article: Korean shamanism

Shamanism is still practiced in South Korea, where the role of a shaman is most frequently taken by women known as mudangs, while male shamans (rare) are called baksoo mudangs. Korean shamans are considered to be from a low class.
A person can become a shaman through hereditary title or through natural ability. Shamans are consulted in contemporary society for financial and marital decisions.

[edit] Japan

Main articles: Shinto, Ainu religion, and Ryukyuan religion

Shamanism is part of the native Japanese religion of Shinto.The distinction is that Shinto is Shamanism for agricultural society. Today Shinto has morphed with Buddhism and other Japanese folk culture. The book "Occult Japan: Shinto, Shamanism and the Way of the Gods" by Percival Lowell delves further into researching Japanese Shamanism or Shintoism.^[119] It is generally accepted that the vast majority of Japanese people take part in Shinto rituals. The book Japan Through the Looking Glass: Shaman to Shinto uncovers the extraordinary aspects of Japanese beliefs.^[120][121]

[edit] Siberia

Main article: Shamanism in Siberia

Ainu bear sacrifice. Japanese scroll painting, circa 1870.

Among the Siberian Chukchis peoples, a shaman is interpreted as someone who is possessed by a spirit who demands that someone assume the shamanic role for their people. Among the Buryat, there is a ritual known as "shanar"^[122] whereby a candidate is consecrated as shaman by another, already-established shaman.
Siberia is regarded as the locus classicus of shamanism.^[123] It is inhabited by many different ethnic groups. Many of its peoples observe shamanistic practices even in modern times. Many classical ethnographic sources of "shamanism" were recorded among Siberian peoples.
Among several Samoyedic peoples shamanism was a living tradition also in modern times, especially at groups living in isolation until recent times (Nganasans).^[124] The last notable Nganasan shaman's seances could be recorded on film in the 1970s.^[100][124]
When the People's Republic of China was formed in 1949 and the border with Russian Siberia was formally sealed, many nomadic Tungus groups that practiced shamanism were confined in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia. These include the Evenki. The last shaman of the Oroqen, Chuonnasuan (Meng Jin Fu), died in October 2000.
In many other cases, shamanism was in decline even at the beginning of 20th century (Gypsies).^[16]

[edit] Central Asia

[edit] Geographic influences on Central Asian shamanism

Geographical factors heavily influence the character and development of the religion, myths, rituals and epics of Central Asia. While in other parts of the world, religious rituals are primarily used to promote agricultural prosperity, here they were used to ensure success in hunting and breeding livestock. Animals are one of the most important elements of indigenous religion in Central Asia because of the role they play in the survival of the nomadic civilizations of the steppes as well as sedentary populations living on land not conducive to agriculture. Shamans wore animal skins and feathers and underwent transformations into animals during spiritual journeys. In addition, animals served as humans' guides, rescuers, ancestors, totems and sacrificial victims.^[125] As a religion of nature, shamanism throughout Central Asia held particular reverence for the relations between sky, earth and water and believed in the mystical importance of trees and mountains. Shamanism in Central Asia also places a strong emphasis on the opposition between summer and winter, corresponding to the huge differences in temperature common in the region. The harsh conditions and poverty caused by the extreme temperatures drove Central Asian nomads throughout history to pursue militaristic goals against their sedentary neighbors. This military background can be seen in the reverence for horses and warriors within many indigenous religions.^[126]

[edit] Common shamanic practices and beliefs shared among Central Asians

Central Asian shamans served as sacred intermediaries between the human and spirit world. In this role they took on tasks such as healing, divination, appealing to ancestors, manipulating the elements, leading lost souls and officiating public religious rituals. The shamanic séance served as a public display of the shaman's journey to the spirit world and usually involved intense trances, drumming, dancing, chanting, elaborate costumes, miraculous displays of physical strength, and audience involvement. The goal of these séances ranged from recovering the lost soul of a sick patient and divining the future to controlling the weather and finding a lost person or thing. The use of sleight-of-hand tricks, ventriloquism, and hypnosis were common in these rituals but did not explain the more impressive feats and actual cures accomplished by shamans.^[127]
Shamans perform in a "state of ecstasy" deliberately induced by an effort of will. Reaching this altered state of consciousness required great mental exertion, concentration and strict self-discipline. Mental and physical preparation included long periods of silent meditation, fasting, and smoking. In this state, skilled shamans employ capabilities that the human organism cannot accomplish in the ordinary state. Shamans in ecstasy displayed unusual physical strength, the ability to withstand extreme temperatures, the bearing of stabbing and cutting without pain, and the heightened receptivity of the sense organs. Shamans made use of intoxicating substances and hallucinogens, especially mukhomor mushrooms and alcohol, as a means of hastening the attainment of ecstasy.^[128]
The use of purification by fire is an important element of the shamanic tradition dating back as early as the 6th century. People and things connected with the dead had to be purified by passing between fires. These purifications were complex exorcisms while others simply involved the act of literally walking between two fires while being blessed by the Shaman. Shamans in literature and practice were also responsible for using special stones to manipulate weather. Rituals are performed with these stones to attract rain or repel snow, cold or wind. This "rain-stone" was used for many occasions including bringing an end to drought as well as producing hailstorms as a means of warfare.^[129] Despite distinctions between various types of shamans and specific traditions, there is a uniformity throughout the region manifested in the personal beliefs, objectives, rituals, symbols and the appearance of shamans.

[edit] Shamanic rituals as artistic performance

The shamanic ceremony is both a religious ceremony and an artistic performance. The fundamental purpose of the dramatic displays seen during shamanic ceremonies is not to draw attention or to create a spectacle for the audience as many Westerners have come to believe, but to lead the tribe in a solemn ritualistic process.
In general, all performances consist of four elements: dance, music, poetry and dramatic or mimetic action. The use of these elements serves the purpose of outwardly expressing his mystical communion with nature and the spirits for the rest of the tribe. The true shaman can make the journey to the spirit world at any time and any place, but shamanic ceremonies provide a way for the rest of the tribe to share in this religious experience. The shaman changes his voice mimetically to represent different persons, gods, and animals while his music and dance change to show his progress in the spirit world and his different spiritual interactions. Many shamans practice ventriloquism and make use of their ability to accurately imitate the sounds of animals, nature, humans and other noises in order to provide the audience with the ambiance of the journey. Elaborate dances and recitations of songs and poetry are used to make the shamans spiritual adventures into a matter of living reality to his audience.^[130]

[edit] Costume and accessories

The shaman's attire varies throughout the region but his chief accessories are his coat, cap, and tambourine or drum. The transformation into an animal is an important aspect of the journey into the spirit world undertaken during shamanic rituals so the coat is often decorated with birds feathers and representations of animals, coloured handkerchiefs, bells and metal ornaments. The cap is usually made from the skin of a bird with the feathers and sometimes head, still attached.
The drum or tambourine is the essential means of communicating with spirits and enabling the shaman to reach altred states of consciousness on his journey. The drum, representing the universe in epitome, is often divided into equal halves to represent the earth and lower realms. Symbols and natural objects are added to the drum representing natural forces and heavenly bodies.^[131]

[edit] Shamanism in Tsarist and Soviet Russia

In Soviet Central Asia, the Soviet government persecuted and denounced shamans as practitioners of fraudulent medicine and perpetuators of outdated religious beliefs in the new age of science and logic. The radical transformations occurring after the October Socialist Revolution led to a sharp decrease in the activity of shamans. Shamans represented an important component in the traditional culture of Central Asians and because of their important role in society, Soviet organizations and campaigns targeted shamans in their attempt to eradicate traditional influences in the lives of the indigenous peoples. Along with persecution under the tsarist and Soviet regimes, the spread of Christianity and Islam had a role in the disintegration of native faith throughout central Asia. Poverty, political instability and foreign influence are also detrimental to a religion that requires publicity and patronage to flourish. By the 1980s most shamans were discredited in the eyes of their people by Soviet officials and physicians.^[132]

[edit] Other Asian traditions

This section may contain previously unpublished synthesis of published material that conveys ideas not attributable to the original sources. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page.(October 2009)

There is a strong shamanistic influence in the Bön religion in Central Asian, and in Tibetan Buddhism. Buddhism became popular with shamanic peoples such as the Tibetans, Mongols, and Manchu beginning in the eighth century. Forms of shamanistic ritual combined with Tibetan Buddhism became institutionalized as a major religion under the Mongolian Yuan dynasty and the Manchurian Qing dynasty. However, in the shamanic cultures still practiced by various ethnic groups in areas such as Nepal and northern India, shamans are not necessarily considered enlightened, and often are even feared for their ability to use their power to carry out malicious intent.^{[citation needed]}

Kipchak stone statues of Pontic steppes. The nomadic Kipchaks followed a Shamanist religion.

In Tibet, the Nyingma schools in particular, had a Tantric tradition that had married "priests" known as Ngakpas or Ngakmas/mos (fem.). The Ngakpas were often employed or commissioned to rid the villages of demons or disease, creations of protective amulets, the carrying out of religious rites etc. The Ngakpas should however, have been grounded in Buddhist philosophy and not simply another form of shaman, but sadly,^{[citation needed]} this was most often not the case. There have always been, however, highly realised and accomplished ngakpas. They were in their own right great lamas who were of equal status as lamas with monastic backgrounds. The monasteries, as in many conventional religious institutions, wished to preserve their own traditions. The monasteries depended upon the excesses of patrons for support. This situation often led to a clash between the more grassroots and shamanic character of the travelling Chödpa and Ngakpa culture and the more conservative religious monastic system.^{[133][not in citation given]}
"Jhakri" is the common name used for shamans in Sikkim, India. They exist in the Limbu, Sunuwar, Rai, Sherpa, Kami, Tamang, Gurung and Lepcha communities.^[134] They are inflluenced by Hinduism, Tibetan Buddhism, Mun and Bön rites.^[135]
Shamanism is still widely practiced in the Ryukyu Islands (Okinawa, Japan), where shamans are known as 'Noro' (all women) and 'Yuta'. 'Noro' generally administer public or communal ceremonies while 'Yuta' focus on civil and private matters. Shamanism is also practiced in a few rural areas in Japan proper. It is commonly believed that the Shinto religion is the result of the transformation of a shamanistic tradition into a religion. Forms of practice vary somewhat in the several Ryukyu islands, so that there is, e.g., a distinct Miyako shamanism.
Shamanism practices seem to have been preserved in the Catholic religious traditions of aborigines in Taiwan.^[136]
In Vietnam, shamans conduct rituals in many of the religious traditions that co-mingle in the majority and minority populations. In their rituals, music, dance, special garments and offerings are part of the performance that surround the spirit journey.^[137]

[edit] Europe

Sami shamanic drum in the Arktikum Science Museum, in Rovaniemi, Finland

Main article: Shamanism in Europe

Further information: Noaide, Sami shamanism, and Finnish mythology

Further information: Hungarian mythology and Shamanistic remnants in Hungarian folklore

Further information: Magic in the Greco-Roman world and European witchcraft

Further information: Astuvansalmi and Astuvansalmi rock paintings

While shamanism had a strong tradition in Europe before the rise of monotheism, shamanism remains a traditional, organized religion in northern Eurasia, including Mari-El and Udmurtia, two semi-autonomous provinces of Russia with large minority populations. Shamanism in Scandinavia may be represented in rock art dating to the Neolithic era^[138] and was practiced throughout the Iron Age by the various Teutonic tribes and the Baltic-Finnic peoples.^[139] People which used to live in Siberia, have wandered to their present locations since then. For example, many Uralic peoples live now outside Siberia, however the original location of the Proto-Uralic peoples (and its extent) is debated. Combined phytogeographical and linguistic considerations (distribution of various tree species and the presence of their names in various Uralic languages) suggest that this area was north of Central Ural Mountains and on lower and middle parts of Ob River.^[140] The ancestors of Hungarian people or Magyars have wandered from their ancestral proto-Uralic area to the Pannonian Basin. Shamanism played an important role in Turko-Mongol mythology. Tengriism, the major belief among Xiongnu or Mongol and Turkic peoples, Magyars and Bulgars in ancient times incorporates elements of shamanism. Shamanism is no more a living practice among Hungarians, but remnants have been reserved as fragments of folklore, in folktales, customs.^[141]
Various scholars have also argued that shamanism was once widespread across Europe prior to Christianisation. Some historians of the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern period have argued that traces of shamanistic traditions can be seen in the popular folk belief of this period. Most prominent among these was the Italian Carlo Ginzburg, who claimed shamanistic elements in the benandanti custom of 16th century Italy,^[142] the Hungarian Éva Pócs, who identified them in the táltos tradition of Hungary,^[143] and the Frenchman Claude Lecouteux, who has argued that Medieval traditions regarding the soul are based on earlier shamanic ideas.^[144] Ginzburg in particular has argued that some of these shamanistic traditions influenced the conception of witchcraft in Christendom, in particular ideas regarding the witches' sabbath, leading to the events of the witch trials in the Early Modern period.^[145]
The cunning folk is an English language term referring to professional or semi-professional Anglo-Celtic practitioners of magic active from at least the 15th up until the early 20th century particularly throughout rural United Kingdom (and possibly into the 21st century among the diaspora). They practiced folk magic – also known as "low magic" – although often combined this with elements of "high" or ceremonial magic. Such people were also frequently known across England as "wizards", "wise men" or "wise women", or in southern England and Wales as "conjurers" or as "dyn(es) hysbys" in the Welsh language. In Cornwall they were sometimes referred to as pellars, which some etymologists suggest originated from the term expellers, referring to the practice of expelling evil spirits. Many have argued that this is evidence that community shamanism was practiced in the UK up until to the modern era. Christian sanctioned Laws were enacted across England, Scotland and Wales that often condemned cunning folk and their magical practices.
In Scandinavia the klok gumma ("wise woman") or klok gubbe ("wise man"), and collectively De kloka ("The Wise ones"), as they were known in Swedish, were usually elder members of the community who acted as naturopathic doctors and midwives as well as using folk magic such as magic rhymes. In Denmark they were called klog mand ("wise man") and klog kone ("wise woman") and collectively as kloge folk ("wise folk").
The names used for cunning-folk in Italy vary from region to region, although such names include praticos (wise people), guaritori (healers), fattucchiere (fixers), donne che aiutano (women who help) and mago, maga or maghiardzha (sorcerers). At times, they were sometimes called streghe (witches), although usually only "behind their backs or by those who either are sceptical of their powers or believe they deal in black magic." The cunning profession akin to Shamanism survived the 20th century and into the early 21st, allowing Italian-American sociologist Sabina Magliocco to make a brief study of them (2009).

[edit] Circumpolar shamanism

[edit] Inuit and Yupik cultures

Yup'ik shaman exorcising evil spirits from a sick boy, Nushagak, Alaska, 1890s.^[146] Nushagak, located on Nushagak Bay of the Bering Sea in southwest Alaska, is part of the territory of the Yup'ik, speakers of the Central Alaskan Yup'ik language

Main article: Shamanism among Eskimo peoples

Eskimo groups inhabit a huge area stretching from Eastern Siberia through Alaska and Northern Canada (including Labrador Peninsula) to Greenland. Shamanistic practice and beliefs have been recorded at several parts of this vast area crosscutting continental borders.^{[30][49][147]}

This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters.

When speaking of "shamanism" in various Eskimo groups, we must remember that (as mentioned above) the term "shamanism" can cover certain characteristics of various different cultures.^[52] Mediation is regarded often as an important aspect of shamanism in general.^[148] Also in most Eskimo groups, the role of mediator is known well:^[149] the person filling it in is actually believed to be able to contact the beings who populate the belief system. Term "shaman" is used in several English-language publications also in relation to Eskimos.^{[30][147][150][151]} Also the alignalghi (IPA: [aˈliɣnalʁi]) of the Asian Eskimos is translated as "shaman" in the Russian^[152] and English^[149] literature.
The belief system assumes specific links between the living people, the souls of hunted animals, and those of dead people.^[153] The soul concepts of several groups are specific examples of soul dualism (showing variability in details in the various cultures).
Unlike the majority of shamanisms the careers of most Eskimo shamans lack the motivation of force: becoming a shaman is usually a result of deliberate consideration, not a necessity forced by the spirits.^[32]

[edit] Diversity, with similarities

Another possible concern: do the belief systems of various Eskimo groups have such common features at all, that would justify any mentioning them together? There was no political structure above the groups, their languages were relative, but differed more or less, often forming language continuums (online^[154]).
There are similarities in the cultures of the Eskimo groups^{[155][156][157][158][159]} together with diversity, far from homogeneity.^[160]
The Russian linguist Menovshikov (Меновщиков), an expert of Siberian Yupik and Sireniki Eskimo languages (while admitting that he is not a specialist in ethnology^[161]) mentions, that the shamanistic seances of those Siberian Yupik and Sireniki groups he has seen have many similarities to those of Greenland Inuit groups described by Fridtjof Nansen,^[162] although a large distance separates Siberia and Greenland. There may be certain similarities also in Asiatic groups with North American ones.^[163] Also the usage of a specific shaman's language is documented among several Eskimo groups, used mostly for talking to spirits.^[164][165] Also the Ungazighmiit (belonging to Siberian Yupiks) had a special allegoric usage of some expressions.^[166]
The local cultures showed great diversity. The myths concerning the role of shaman had several variants, and also the name of their protagonists varied from culture to culture. For example, a mythological figure, usually referred to in the literature by the collective term Sea Woman, has factually many local names: Nerrivik "meat dish" among Polar Inuit, Nuliayuk "lubricous" among Netsilingmiut, Sedna "the nether one" among Baffin Land Inuit.^[167] Also the soul conceptions, e.g. the details of the soul dualism showed great variability, ranging from guardianship to a kind of reincarnation. Conceptions of spirits or other beings had also many variants (see e.g. the tupilaq concept).^[168]

[edit] Africa

See also: African traditional religion, Witch doctor, and Sangoma

Sangoma/Inyanga performing a traditional baptism on a baby in order to protect the spirit of the baby, Johannesburg, South Africa

In central Mali, Dogon sorcerers (both male and female) claim to have communication with a head deity named Amma, who advises them on healing and divination practices.
In the early 19th century traditional healers in parts of Africa were often referred to in a derogatory manner as "witch doctors" practicing Juju by early European settlers and explorers.
Contemporary ethnology records that the Bushmen, or their ancestors distributed throughout Southern Africa before the 20th century, practiced shamanism. In the semi-desert Northern Cape region, the shamans of the |Xam people were known by the compound word '!gi:ten', where '!gi' is 'power' and 'ten' indicated possession. The word is phonetically identical to the Xhosa word for 'doctor'. In areas in Eastern Free State and Lesotho, where they co-existed with the early Sotho tribes, local folklore describes them to have lived in caves where they drew pictures on cave walls during a trance and were also reputed to be good rainmakers.
The classical meaning of shaman as a person who, after recovering from a mental illness (or insanity) takes up the professional calling of socially recognized religious practitioner, is exemplified among the Sisala (of northern Gold Coast) : "the fairies "seized" him and made him insane for several months. Eventually, though, he learned to control their power, which he now uses to divine."^[169]
The term sangoma, as employed in Zulu and congeneric languages, is effectively equivalent to shaman. Sangomas are highly revered and respected in their society, where illness is thought to be caused by witchcraft,^[170] pollution (contact with impure objects or occurrences) or by the ancestors themselves,^[171] either malevolently, or through neglect if they are not respected, or to show an individual her calling to become a sangoma (thwasa).^[172] For harmony between the living and the dead, vital for a trouble-free life, the ancestors must be shown respect through ritual and animal sacrifice.^[173]
The term inyanga also employed by the Nguni cultures is equivalent to 'herbalist' as used by the Zulu people and a variation used by the Karanga,^[174] among whom remedies (locally known as muti) for ailments are discovered by the inyanga being informed in a dream, of the herb able to effect the cure and also of where that herb is to be found. The majority of the herbal knowledge base is passed down from one inyanga to the next, often within a particular family circle in any one village.
Shamanism is known among the Nuba of Kordofan in Sudan.^[175][176]

[edit] Americas

Main article: Shamanism among the indigenous peoples of the Americas

[edit] North America

Main article: Medicine man

Doña Ramona, a Seri shaman from Punta Chueca, Sonora, Mexico.

This section needs additional citations for verification. (September 2009)

Native American "conjuror" in a 1590 engraving

Hamatsa ritualist, 1914

Native American and First Nations cultures have diverse religious beliefs. There was never one universal Native American religion or spiritual system. Though many Native American cultures have traditional healers, ritualists, singers, mystics, lore-keepers and "Medicine People", none of them ever used, or use, the term "shaman" to describe these religious leaders. Rather, like other indigenous cultures the world over, their spiritual functionaries are described by words in their own languages, and in many cases are not taught to outsiders.
Many of these indigenous religions have been grossly misrepresented by outside observers and anthropologists, even to the extent of superficial or seriously mistaken anthropological accounts being taken as more authentic than the accounts of actual members of the cultures and religions in question. Often these accounts suffer from "Noble Savage"-type romanticism and racism. Some contribute to the fallacy that Native American cultures and religions are something that only existed in the past, and which can be mined for data despite the opinions of Native communities.^[177]
Not all Indigenous communities have roles for specific individuals who mediate with the spirit world on behalf of the community. Among those that do have this sort of religious structure, spiritual methods and beliefs may have some commonalities, though many of these commonalities are due to some nations being closely related, from the same region, or through post-Colonial governmental policies leading to the combining of formerly independent nations on reservations. This can sometimes lead to the impression that there is more unity among belief systems than there was in antiquity.
Navajo medicine men and women, known as "Hatałii", use several methods to diagnose the patient's ailments. These may include using special tools such as crystal rocks, and abilities such as hand-trembling and trances, sometimes accompanied by chanting. The Hatałii will select a specific healing chant for that type of ailment. Navajo healers must be able to correctly perform a healing ceremony from beginning to end. If they do not, the ceremony will not work. Training a Hatałii to perform ceremonies is extensive, arduous, and takes many years. The apprentice learns everything by watching his teacher, and memorizes the words to all the chants. Many times, a medicine man or woman cannot learn all sixty of the traditional ceremonies, so will opt to specialize in a select few.

[edit] Extirpation in North America

This section requires expansion. (November 2011)

With the arrival of European settlers and colonial administration, the practice of Native American traditional beliefs was discouraged and Christianity was imposed upon the indigenous people.
About 1888, a mass movement known as the Ghost Dance started among the Paviotso (a branch of the Pah-Utes in Nevada) and swept through many tribes of Native Americans. The belief was that through practicing the Ghost Dance, a messiah would come with rituals that would make the white man disappear and bring back game and dead native Americans.^[178] This spread to the Plains tribes, who were starving due to the depletion of the buffalo. Some Sioux, the Arapahos, Cheyennes and Kiowas accepted the doctrine. This form of shamanism was brutally suppressed by the United States military with the death of 128 Sioux at the massacre of Wounded Knee.^[179]
During the last hundred years, thousands of surviving Native Americans, First Nations youngsters from many cultures were sent into Indian boarding schools to destroy any tribal, shamanic or totemic faith.

[edit] Mesoamerica

[edit] Maya

Main article: Maya priesthood

Further information: Mayan astrology and Maya religion

Maya priest performing a healing ritual at Tikal.

The Maya people of Guatemala, Belize, and southern Mexico practice a highly sophisticated form of shamanism based upon astrology and a form of divination known as "the blood speaking", in which the shaman is guided in divination and healing by pulses in the veins of his arms and legs.

[edit] Aztec

Further information: Aztec astrology and Aztec religion

In contemporary Nahuatl, shamanism is known as cualli ohtli ("the good path") leading during dreaming by "friends of the night" to Tlalocán.

[edit] South America

• Shamanic healing is found among the indigenous Kuna people of Panama, who rely on sacred talismans. As such, they enjoy a popular position among local peoples.
• The Urarina of the Peruvian Amazonia have an elaborate cosmological system predicated on the ritual consumption of ayahuasca. Urarina ayahuasca shamanism is a key feature of this poorly documented society.^[180]
• Among the Brazilian Tapirapé people shamans are called to serve in their dreams.
• The Shuar people, seeking the power to defend their family against enemies, would apprentice themselves to become shamans.
• Santo Daime and União do Vegetal ( abbreviated to UDV) are syncretic religions with elements of shamanism. They use an entheogen called ayahuasca to connect with the spirit realm and receive divine guidance.^[43]

[edit] Amazonia

Shaman from the shuara culture in Ecuador Amazonian forest, June 2006

Urarina shaman, 1988

In the Peruvian Amazon Basin and north coastal regions of the country, the healer shamans are known as curanderos. Ayahuasqueros are Peruvian shamans, such as among the Urarina people, who specialize in the use of ayahuasca, a psychedelic herbal potion used for physical and psychological healing, divine revelation, and for the very reproduction of society itself.^[180] Ayahuasqueros have become popular among Western spiritual seekers, who claim that the shamans and their ayahuasca brews have cured them of everything from depression to addiction to cancer.^[43]
In addition to curanderos use of ayahuasca and their ritualized ingestion of mescaline-bearing San Pedro cactuses (Trichocereus pachanoi) for the divination and diagnosis of sorcery, north-coastal shamans are famous throughout the region for their intricately complex and symbolically dense healing altars called mesas (tables). Sharon (1993) has argued that the mesas symbolize the dualistic ideology underpinning the practice and experience of north-coastal shamanism.^[181] For Sharon, the mesas are the, "physical embodiment of the supernatural opposition between benevolent and malevolent energies" (Dean 1998:61).^[182]
In the Amazon rainforest, at several Indian groups the shaman acts also as a manager of scarce ecological resources (paper;^[36][38] online^[79]). The rich symbolism behind Tukano shamanism has been documented in some in-depth field works^{[36][183][184]} even in the last decades of the 20th century.
The yaskomo of the Waiwai is believed to be able to perform a soul flight. The soul flight can serve several functions:

• healing
• flying to the sky to consult cosmological beings (the moon or the brother of the moon) to get a name for a newborn baby
• flying to the cave of peccaries' mountains to ask the father of peccaries for abundance of game
• flying deep down in a river, to achieve the help of other beings.

Thus, a yaskomo is believed to be able to reach sky, earth, water, in short, every element.^[185]
Shamanism among the Yąnomamö (of the Venezolano Amazonas and the Brazilian Roraima) is described in Tales of the Yanomami by Jacques Lizot.

[edit] Mapuche

Among the Mapuche people of Chile, the community shaman, usually a woman, is known as the Machi, and serves the community by performing ceremonies to cure diseases, ward off evil, influence the weather and harvest, and by practicing other forms of healing such as herbalism.

[edit] Aymara

For the Aymara people of South America the Yatiri is a healer who heals the body and the soul, they serve the community and do the rituals for Pachamama.

[edit] Fuegians

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Although Fuegians (the indigenous peoples of Tierra del Fuego) were all hunter-gatherers,^[186] they did not share a common culture. The material culture was not homogenous, either: the big island and the archipelago made two different adaptations possible. Some of the cultures were coast-dwelling, others were land-oriented.^[187][188]
Both Selk'nam and Yámana had persons filling in shaman-like roles. The Selk'nams believed their /xon/s to have supernatural capabilities, e.g. to control weather.^[189][190] The figure of /xon/ appeared in myths, too.^[191] The Yámana /jekamuʃ/^[192] corresponds to the Selknam /xon/.^[193]

[edit] Oceania

See also: Umbarra and Tunggal panaluan

On the island of Papua New Guinea, indigenous tribes believe that illness and calamity are caused by dark spirits, or masalai, which cling to a person's body and poison them. Shamans are summoned in order to purge the unwholesome spirits from a person.^[194][195] Shamans also perform rainmaking ceremonies and can allegedly improve a hunter's ability to catch animals.^[196]
In Australia various aboriginal groups refer to their shamans as "clever men" and "clever women" also as kadji. These aboriginal shamans use maban or mabain, the material that is believed to give them their purported magical powers. Besides healing, contact with spiritual beings, involvement in initiation and other secret ceremonies, they are also enforcers of tribal laws, keepers of special knowledge and may "hex" to death one who breaks a social taboo by singing a song only known to the "clever men".

[edit] Contemporary Western shamanism

Main articles: Neoshamanism and Core shamanism

There is an endeavor in some contemporary occult and esoteric circles to reinvent shamanism in a modern form, often drawing from core shamanism—a set of beliefs and practices synthesized by Michael Harner—centered use of ritual drumming and dance, and Harner's interpretations of various indigenous religions. Harner has faced criticism for taking pieces of diverse religions out of their cultural contexts and synthesising a set of universal shamanic techniques. Some neoshamans focus on the ritual use of entheogens^{[citation needed]}, as well as embrace the philosophies of chaos magic^{[citation needed]} while others (such as Jan Fries^[197]) have created their own forms of shamanism.
European-based neoshamanic traditions are focused upon the researched or imagined traditions of ancient Europe, where many mystical practices and belief systems were suppressed by the Christian church. Some of these practitioners express a desire to practice a system that is based upon their own ancestral traditions. Some anthropologists and practitioners have discussed the impact of such neoshamanism as "giving extra pay" (Harvey, 1997 and elsewhere) to indigenous American traditions, particularly as many pagan or heathen shamanic practitioners do not call themselves shamans, but instead use specific names derived from the European traditions -they work within such as völva or seidkona (seid-woman) of the sagas (see Blain 2002, Wallis 2003).
Many New Age spiritual seekers travel to Peru to work with ayahuasqueros, shamans who engage in the ritual use of ayahuasca, a psychedelic tea which has been documented to cure everything from depression to addiction. When taking ayahuasca, participants frequently report meeting spirits and receiving divine revelations.^[43] Shamanistic techniques have also been used in New Age therapies which use enactment and association with other realities as an intervention.^[198][199]

[edit] Criticism of the term

This article contains weasel words: vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed. (June 2012)

A tableau presenting figures of various cultures filling in mediator-like roles, often being termed as "shaman" in the literature. The tableau presents the diversity of this concept.

Certain anthropologists, most notably Alice Kehoe in her book Shamans and Religion: An Anthropological Exploration in Critical Thinking, are highly critical of the term "shaman". Part of this criticism involves the notion of cultural appropriation.^{[citation needed]} This includes criticism of New Age and modern Western forms of shamanism, which may not only misrepresent or dilute genuine indigenous practices but do so in a way that, according to Kehoe, reinforces racist ideas such as the Noble Savage.
Kehoe is highly critical of Mircea Eliade's work on shamanism as an invention synthesized from various sources unsupported by more direct research. To Kehoe, what some scholars of shamanism treat as being definitive of shamanism (most notably drumming, trance, chanting, entheogens and hallucinogens, spirit communication and healing) are practices that exist outside of what is defined as shamanism and play similar roles even in non-shamanic cultures (such as the role of chanting in Judeo-Christian and Islamic rituals) and that in their expression are unique to each culture that uses them and cannot be generalized easily, accurately or usefully into a global religion of shamanism. Because of this, Kehoe is also highly critical of the notion that shamanism is an ancient, unchanged, and surviving religion from the Paleolithic period.
Mihály Hoppál also discusses whether the term "shamanism" is appropriate. He recommends using the term "shamanhood"^[200] or "shamanship"^[201] (a term used in old Russian and German ethnographic reports at the beginning of the 20th century) for stressing the diversity and the specific features of the discussed cultures. He believes that this places more stress on the local variations^[52] and emphasizes that shamanism is not a religion of sacred dogmas, but linked to the everyday life in a practical way.^[202] Following similar thoughts, he also conjectures a contemporary paradigm shift.^[200] Piers Vitebsky also mentions that, despite really astonishing similarities, there is no unity in shamanism. The various, fragmented shamanistic practices and beliefs coexist with other beliefs everywhere. There is no record of pure shamanistic societies (although, as for the past, their existence is not impossible).^[203]

[edit] See also

Alberto Villoldo Astral spirits Animism Carlos Castaneda Cultural imperialism Curandero Heaven worship Inuit Itako Mana Machi (Shaman) Munay-ki Nature worship

Neuroanthropology Neurotheology Ovoo Paganism Panentheism Peyote Plastic shaman Power animal Prehistoric medicine Religion in China Sacred Hoop Magazine Seið Shaman's Drum Journal

Shapeshifting Shintō Shramana Soul catcher Spirit spouse (in dreams) Technoshamanism Tengri Terence McKenna Thoughtform Turkic people Witch doctor Yatiri Zduhać

[edit] Notes

1. ^ Hutton 2001. p. 32.
2. ^ Hoppál 1987. p. 76.
3. ^ Oxford Dictionary Online.
4. ^ ^{a b c} Mircea Eliade, Shamanism, Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, Bollingen Series LXXVI, Princeton University Press 1972, pp. 3–7.
5. ^ Eliade 2004 [1951]. p. 04.
6. ^ Written before 1676, first printed in 1861; see Hutton 2001. p. vii.
7. ^ Hutton 2001, p. 32.
8. ^ Adam Brand, Driejaarige Reize naar China, Amsterdam 1698; transl. A Journal of an Ambassy, London 1698; see Laufer B., Origin of the Word Shaman, American Anthropologist, 19 (1917): 361–71 and Bremmer J., Travelling souls? Greek shamanism reconsidered, in Bremmer J.N. (ed.), The Rise and Fall of the Afterlife, London: Routledge, 2002, pp. 7-40. [1]
9. ^ Hutton 2001. pp. vii–viii.
10. ^ Hoppál, Mihály (2005) (in Hungarian). Sámánok Eurázsiában. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. ISBN 963-05-8295-3. pp. 77, 287; Znamensky, Andrei A. (2005). "Az ősiség szépsége: altáji török sámánok a szibériai regionális gondolkodásban (1860–1920)". In Molnár, Ádám (in Hungarian). Csodaszarvas. Őstörténet, vallás és néphagyomány. Vol. I. Budapest: Molnár Kiadó. pp. 117–134. ISBN 963-218-200-6. , p. 128
11. ^ Turner et al., page 440
12. ^ Noll & Shi 2004 (see online)
13. ^ Halifax, Joan (1982). Shaman: The Wounder Healer. London: Thames & Hudson. ISBN 9780500810293. OCLC 8800269.
14. ^ Hoppál 2005: 45
15. ^ ^{a b} Boglár 2001: 24
16. ^ ^{a b} Hoppál 2005: 94
17. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 46
18. ^ ^{a b} Hoppál 2005: 25
19. ^ ^{a b} Sem, Tatyana. "Shamanic Healing Rituals". Russian Museum of Ethnography. http://www.museum.state.il.us/exhibits/changing/journey/healing.html.
20. ^ Hoppál 2005: 27–28
21. ^ Hoppál 2005: 28–33
22. ^ Hoppál 2005: 37
23. ^ Hoppál 2005: 34–35
24. ^ Hoppál 2005: 36
25. ^ Hoppál 2005:36164
26. ^ Hoppál 2005:87–95
27. ^ Czaplicka 1914
28. ^ ^{a b} Salak, Kira. "Lost souls of the Peyote Trail". National Geographic Adventure. http://www.kirasalak.com/Peyote.html.
29. ^ ^{a b} Stephen Hugh-Jones 1980: 32
30. ^ ^{a b c d e} Merkur 1985
31. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 8–10
32. ^ ^{a b c d} Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 24
33. ^ ^{a b} Noll & Shi 2004: 10, footnote 10 (see online)
34. ^ ^{a b} Noll & Shi 2004: 8–9 (see online)
35. ^ Tedlock, Barbara. 2005. The Woman in the Shaman's Body: Reclaiming the Feminine in Religion and Medicine. New York: Bantam.
36. ^ ^{a b c d} Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997
37. ^ Vitebsky 1996:107
38. ^ ^{a b} Boglár 2001:26
39. ^ Merkur 1985: 5
40. ^ Vitebsky 1996:108
41. ^ Kleivan & Sonne: 27–28
42. ^ ^{a b} Merkur 1985: 3
43. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h} Salak, Kira. "Hell and Back". National Geographic Adventure. http://www.kirasalak.com/Peru.html.
44. ^ Merkur 1985: 4
45. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 11, 12–14, 107
46. ^ Hoppál 2005:27, 30, 36
47. ^ Hoppál 2005: 27
48. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 7, 19–21
49. ^ ^{a b} Gabus, Jean: A karibu eszkimók. Gondolat Kiadó, Budapest, 1970. (Hungarian translation of the original: Vie et coutumes des Esquimaux Caribous, Libraire Payot Lausanne, 1944.) It describes the life of Caribou Eskimo groups.
50. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 18
51. ^ Hoppál 2005: 99
52. ^ ^{a b c d e} Hoppál 2005:15
53. ^ Hoppál 2006c: 143
54. ^ ^{a b} Nattiez: 5
55. ^ Deschênes 2002
56. ^ H.B. Paksoy, PhD. "In the Beginning was Tengri, Part 1". http://www.neweurasia.net/cross-regional-and-blogosphere/in-the-beginning-was-tengri-part-1-grace-is-the-heart-of-belief/. "A diagram of Tengriist metaphysics on a shaman's drum. At the center is a world-tree connecting the three dimensions of the underworld, middleworld and upperworld."
57. ^ Alexander Eliot (1976). Myths. New York: McGraw-Hill. p. 77. http://www.nbi.dk/~natphil/oldqueSib.html. "The world tree appears again in this drawing from a Shaman drum... with its roots in the underworld it rises through the inhabited earth to penetrate the realm of the gods."
58. ^ Circle of Tengerism. "Mongolian Cosmology". http://www.tengerism.org/cosmology.html. "The other important symbol of the world center is the turge tree, which creates an axis as well as a pole for ascent and decent. Siberian and Mongolian traditions locate the tree at the center of the world, but also in the south, where the upper and middle worlds touch."
59. ^ Barüske 1969: 24, 50–51
60. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 25
61. ^ Maxfield, Melinda. "The journey of the drum." ReVision 16.4 (1994): 157.
62. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 49
63. ^ Diószegi 1962:13
64. ^ ^{a b} Hoppál 2005:14
65. ^ Pentikäinen 1995: 270
66. ^ ^{a b c} Hoppál 2005:25–26,43
67. ^ Hoppál 2004:14
68. ^ Hoppál 2005: 13–15, 58, 197
69. ^ Hoppál 2006a: 11
70. ^ Hoppál 2006b: 175
71. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 24–25
72. ^ ^{a b} Hoppál, Mihály: Nature worship in Siberian shamanism
73. ^ Hoppál 2007b: 12–13
74. ^ ^{a b c} Hoppál 2007c: 25
75. ^ Pentikäinen 1995: 270–271
76. ^ Dana 2004: 18 (see online)
77. ^ Merkur 1985:v
78. ^ Hoppál 2007b: 13
79. ^ ^{a b} Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff: A View from the Headwaters. The Ecologist, Vol. 29 No. 4, July 1999.
80. ^ Jean Clottes. "Shamanism in Prehistory". Bradshaw foundation. http://www.bradshawfoundation.com/clottes/page7.php. Retrieved 2008-03-11.
81. ^ ^{a b} Karl J. Narr. "Prehistoric religion". Britannica online encyclopedia 2008. http://concise.britannica.com/oscar/print?articleId=109434&fullArticle=true&tocId=52333. Retrieved 2008-03-28.
82. ^ Winkelman, Michael. Shamanism: a Biopsychosocial Paradigm of Consciousness and Healing. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2010. Print.
83. ^ "Earliest known shaman grave site found: study", reported by Reuters via Yahoo! News, November 4, 2008, archived. see.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
84. ^ TMD Clinical study
85. ^ 1993, p.51
86. ^ Berman, Shamanic Journeys Through Daghestan, 2008, p.22
87. ^ Oosten, Jarich; Frederic Laugrand, and Cornelius Remie (2006). "Perceptions of Decline: Inuit Shamanism in the Canadian Arctic". American Society for Ethnohistory: 445–477. doi:10.1215/00141801–2006-001.
88. ^ Hoppál 2005: 117
89. ^ ^{a b} Hoppál 2005: 259
90. ^ Boglár 2001: 19–20
91. ^ Diószegi 1960: 37–39
92. ^ Eliade 2001: 76 (= Chpt 3 about obtaining shamanic capabilities)
93. ^ Omnividence: A word created by Edwin A. Abbott in his book titled Flatland
94. ^ Diószegi 1960: 88–89
95. ^ Hoppál 2005: 224
96. ^ Nagy 1998: 232
97. ^ Merkur 1985:132
98. ^ Merkur 1985:134
99. ^ Hoppál 2005: 92
100. ^ ^{a b} Hoppál 1994: 62
101. ^ Hoppál 2005: 88
102. ^ Hoppál 2005: 93
103. ^ Hoppál 2005: 111, 117–119, 128, 132, 133–134, 252-263
104. ^ Hoppál 2005: 257–258
105. ^ "Pseudo Shamans Cherokee Statement". http://www.thepeoplespaths.net/Articles2001/RLAllen-CherokeeStatement-Shamans.htm. Retrieved 2008-06-23.
106. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 150–153
107. ^ http://website.leidenuniv.nl/~haarbjter/shamanism.htm
108. ^ http://people.cohums.ohio-state.edu/bender4/eall131/EAHReadings/module03/local_beliefs.html
109. ^ http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/5288
110. ^ http://www.yale.edu/seacrn/asia_members.htm
111. ^ Hesse, Klaus (1987). "On the History of Mongolian Shamanism in Anthropological Perspective". Anthropos 82 (4-6): 403–13. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40463470.
112. ^ Balogh, Matyas. "Contemporary Shamanisms in Mongolia." Asian Ethnicity 11.2 (2010): 229-38.
113. ^ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hmong_people
114. ^ http://www.lexicon.net/drpao/shaman/sivyis/
115. ^ USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/educate/firstamendment/religion_052504.html.
116. ^ Southeast Guizhou Travel Tips - China Highlights, a division of CITS Guilin, a full service China travel agency providing China Tours
117. ^ Cockfight Trial UnderwayWHBL News April 08, 2010
118. ^ Not Guilty Verdict In Cockfighting Trial WHBL News April 09, 2010
119. ^ Percival Lowell, Occult Japan: Shinto, Shamanism and the Way of the Gods, Inner Traditions International (April 1990), Rochester Vt
120. ^ Alan Mcfarlane, Japan Through the Looking Glass: Shaman to Shinto, Profile Books Ltd, Aug 2007, London England
121. ^ Japantimes.co.jp
122. ^ Shanar Buryat
123. ^ Hoppál 2005:13
124. ^ ^{a b} Hoppál 2005:92–93
125. ^ Julian Baldick, Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia (New York: University Press, 2000), 3-35
126. ^ Marjorie Mandelstam Balzer, Shamanism: Soviet Studies of Traditional Religion in Siberia and Central Asia (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1990), 113
127. ^ Nora K. Chadwick, "Shamanism among the Tatars of Central Asia," The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 66, (Jan.-Jun., 1936): 97-99
128. ^ Balzer, Shamanism, 12-21
129. ^ John Andrew Boyle, "Turkish and Mongol Shamanism in the Middle Ages," Folklore Vol. 83 (1972): 183-185
130. ^ Chadwick, Shamanism among the Tatars of Central Asia: 93-101
131. ^ Chadwick, Shamanism among the Tatars of Central Asia,: 85-87
132. ^ Balzer, Shamanism, 42-49
133. ^ Economy of Excess. George Bataille.
134. ^ Gulia 2005, pp. 153–4
135. ^ Gulia 2005, p. 168
136. ^ O. Lardenois, Shamanism and Catholic Indigenous Communities in Taiwan
137. ^ "Journeys to Other Worlds: The Rites of Shamans". American Museum of Natural History. http://www.amnh.org/exhibitions/vietnam/07_other/.
138. ^ Bolin 2000: 157
139. ^ A. Asbjorn Jon, Shamanism and the Image of the Teutonic Deity, Óðinn
140. ^ Hajdú 1975:35
141. ^ Diószegi 1998
142. ^ Ginzburg 1983 [1966].
143. ^ Pócs 1999.
144. ^ Lecouteux 2003.
145. ^ Ginzburg 1990.
146. ^ Fienup-Riordan, Ann. 1994:206
147. ^ ^{a b} Kleivan & Sonne 1985
148. ^ Hoppál 2005:45–50
149. ^ ^{a b} Menovščikov 1996:442
150. ^ Vitebsky 1996
151. ^ Freuchen 1961: 32
152. ^ Рубцова 1954: 203, 209
153. ^ Both death of a person and successfully hunted game require that cutting, sewing etc. be tabooed, so that the invisible soul does not get hurt accidentally (Kleivan&Sonne, pp. 18–21). In Greenland, the transgression of death tabu could turn the soul of the dead into a tupilak, a restless ghost which scared game away (Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 23). Animals fled from hunter in case of taboo breaches, e.g. birth taboo, death taboo (Kleivan&Sonne, pp. 12–13)
154. ^ Lawrence Kaplan: Comparative Yupik and Inuit (found on the site of Alaska Native Language Center)
155. ^ Kleivan 1985:8
156. ^ Rasmussen 1965:366 (ch. XXIII)
157. ^ Rasmussen 1965:166 (ch. XIII)
158. ^ Rasmussen 1965:110 (ch. VIII)
159. ^ Mauss 1979
160. ^ Kleivan 1985:26
161. ^ Menovščikov 1996 [1968]:433
162. ^ Menovščikov 1996 [1968]:442
163. ^ Vitebsky 1996:42 (ch. North America)
164. ^ Merkur 1985:7
165. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985:14
166. ^ Rubcova 1954:128
167. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 27
168. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 30–31
169. ^ Eugene L. Mendonsa : The Politics of Divination : a Processual View of Reactions to Illness and Deviance among the Sisala. University of California Press, Berkeley, 1982. p. 112
170. ^ David M Cumes"Africa in my bones" pp.14
171. ^ Susan Schuster Campbell"Called to Heal" pp.38
172. ^ Susan Schuster Campbell"Called to Heal" pp.79
173. ^ David M Cumes"Africa in my bones" pp.10
174. ^ http://texts.00.gs/Karanga_shamanism.htm Karanga_shamanism
175. ^ Nadel, S.F. "A Shaman Cult in the Nuba Mountains". Sudan Notes and Records 1941; 24(l): 85-112
176. ^ Nadel, S.F. "A Study of Shamanism in the Nuba Mountains". Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1946; 76:25–37
177. ^ Jones, Peter N. 2008 Shamans and Shamanism: A Comprehensive Bibliography of the Terms Use in North America. Boulder, Colorado: Bauu Press.
178. ^ History of the American Indian, page 222. Oliver Lafarge 1956
179. ^ lib of congress 56-11375 page 224
180. ^ ^{a b} Dean, Bartholomew 2009 Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia, Gainesville: University Press of Florida ISBN 978-0-8130-3378-5 [2]
181. ^ Joralemen, D and D Sharon 1993 Sorcery and Shamanism: Curanderos and Clients in Northern Peru. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
182. ^ Dean, Bartholomew 1998 "Review of Sorcery and Shamanism: Curanderos and Clients in Northern Peru" American Ethnologist. 25(1): 61-62.
183. ^ Christine Hugh-Jones 1980
184. ^ Stephen Hugh-Jones 1980
185. ^ Fock 1963: 16
186. ^ Gusinde 1966, pp. 6–7
187. ^ Service, Elman: The Hunter. Prentice-Hall, 1966.
188. ^ Extinct Ancient Societies Tierra del Fuegians
189. ^ Gusinde 1966:175
190. ^ About the Ona Indian Culture in Tierra del Fuego
191. ^ Gusinde 1966:15
192. ^ Gusinde 1966:156
193. ^ Gusinde 1966:186
194. ^ "Amazon.com listing for the "Four Corners: A Journey into the Heart of Papua New Guinea"". http://www.amazon.com/Four-Corners-Journey-Heart-Guinea/dp/0792274172/ref=pd_bxgy_b_img_b.
195. ^ Salak, Kira. "Kira Salak's official webpage on "Four Corners"". http://www.kirasalak.com/FourCorners.html.
196. ^ Salak, Kira. "MAKING RAIN--from Four Corners". http://www.kirasalak.com/MakingRain.html.
197. ^ Visual Magic:A Manual of Freestyle Shamanism:Jan Fries ISBN 1-869928-57-1
198. ^ ULL – Universidad de La Laguna (Spanish)
199. ^ Encyclopedia of NLP
200. ^ ^{a b} ISSR, 2001 Summer, abstract online in 2nd half of 2nd paragraph)
201. ^ Hoppál & Szathmári & Takács 2006: 14
202. ^ Hoppál 1998:40
203. ^ Vitebsky 1996:11

[edit] References

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• Berman, Michael. Shamanic Journeys through Daghestan. Winchester, UK: O, 2009.
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• Menovščikov, G. A. (= Г. А. Меновщиков) (1968). "Popular Conceptions, Religious Beliefs and Rites of the Asiatic Eskimoes". In Diószegi, Vilmos. Popular beliefs and folklore tradition in Siberia. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.
• Merkur, Daniel (1985). Becoming Half Hidden: Shamanism and Initiation among the Inuit. : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis • Stockholm Studies in Comparative Religion. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. ISBN 91-22-00752-0.
• Nagy, Beáta Boglárka (1998). "Az északi szamojédok". In Csepregi, Márta (in Hungarian). Finnugor kalauz. Panoráma. Budapest: Medicina Könyvkiadó. pp. 221–234. ISBN 963-243-813-2. The chapter means "Northern Samoyedic peoples", the title means Finno-Ugric guide.
• Nattiez, Jean Jacques. Inuit Games and Songs • Chants et Jeux des Inuit. Musiques & musiciens du monde • Musics & musicians of the world. Montreal: Research Group in Musical Semiotics, Faculty of Music, University of Montreal. . The songs are online available from the ethnopoetics website curated by Jerome Rothenberg.
• Noll, Richard; Shi, Kun. "Chuonnasuan (Meng Jin Fu), The Last Shaman of the Oroqen of Northeast China" (PDF). 韓國宗敎硏究 (Journal of Korean Religions) (西江大學校. 宗教硏究所 (Sŏgang Taehakkyo. Chonggyo Yŏnʾguso.)) 6: pp. 135–162. 2004. http://www.desales.edu/assets/desales/SocScience/Oroqen_shaman_FSSForumAug07.pdf. Retrieved 2008-07-30. . It describes the life of Chuonnasuan, the last shaman of the Oroqen of Northeast China.
• Pentikäinen, Juha (1995). "The Revival of Shamanism in the Contemporary North". In Tae-gon Kim & Mihály Hoppál. Shamanism in Performing Arts. Bibiotheca Shamanistica (Vol. 1). Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. pp. 263–272. ISBN 963-05-6848-9.
• Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1997). Rainforest Shamans: Essays on the Tukano Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Dartington: Themis Books. ISBN 0-9527302-4-3.
• Reinhard, Johan (1976) "Shamanism and Spirit Possession: The Definition Problem." In Spirit Possession in the Nepal Himalayas, J. Hitchcock & R. Jones (eds.), New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, pp. 12–20.
• Turner, Robert P.; Lukoff, David; Barnhouse, Ruth Tiffany & Lu, Francis G. (1995) Religious or Spiritual Problem. A Culturally Sensitive Diagnostic Category in the DSM-IV. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, Vol.183, No. 7, pp. 435–444
• Vitebsky, Piers (1995). The Shaman (Living Wisdom). Duncan Baird. ISBN 0-7054-3061-8.
• Vitebsky, Piers (1996) (in Hungarian). A sámán. Bölcsesség • hit • mítosz. Budapest: Magyar Könyvklub • Helikon Kiadó. ISBN 963-208-361-X. Translation of Vitebsky 1995
• Vitebsky, Piers (2001). The Shaman: Voyages of the Soul – Trance, Ecstasy and Healing from Siberia to the Amazon. Duncan Baird. ISBN 1-903296-18-8.
• Voigt, Vilmos (1966) (in Hungarian). A varázsdob és a látó asszonyok. Lapp népmesék. Népek meséi. Budapest: Európa Könyvkiadó. The title means: "The magic drum and the clairvoyant women. Sami folktales", the series means: "Tales of folks".
• Voigt, Miklós (2000). "Sámán – a szó és értelme" (in Hungarian). Világnak kezdetétől fogva. Történeti folklorisztikai tanulmányok. Budapest: Universitas Könyvkiadó. pp. 41–45. ISBN 963-9104-39-6. The chapter discusses the etymology and meaning of word "shaman".

[edit] Further reading

• Joseph Campbell, The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. 1959; reprint, New York and London: Penguin Books, 1976. ISBN 0-14-019443-6
• Richard de Mille, ed. The Don Juan Papers: Further Castaneda Controversies. Santa Barbara, California: Ross-Erikson, 1980.
• Ricci, Daniele Japanese Shamanism: trance and possession. Volume Edizioni (Kindle Edition, 2012).
• George Devereux, "Shamans as Neurotics", American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 63, No. 5, Part 1. (Oct., 1961), pp. 1088–1090.
• Jay Courtney Fikes, Carlos Castaneda: Academic Opportunism and the Psychedelic Sixties, Millennia Press, Canada, 1993ISBN 0-9696960-0-0
• Graham Harvey, ed. Shamanism: A Reader. New York and London: Routledge, 2003. ISBN 0-415-25330-6.
• Åke Hultkrantz (Honorary Editor in Chief): Shaman. Journal of the International Society for Shamanistic Research
• Philip Jenkins, Dream Catchers: How Mainstream America Discovered Native Spirituality. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. ISBN 0-19-516115-7
• Alice Kehoe, Shamans and Religion: An Anthropological Exploration in Critical Thinking. 2000. London: Waveland Press. ISBN 1-57766-162-1
• Åke Ohlmarks 1939: Studien zum Problem des Schamanismus. Gleerup, Lund.
• Jordan D. Paper, The Spirits are Drunk: Comparative Approaches to Chinese Religion, Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 1995. ISBN 0-7914-2315-8.
• Juha Pentikäinen and Péter Simoncsics (eds): Shamanhood. An endangered language. The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 2005. (Series B, 117). ISBN 82-7099-391-3.
• Smith, Frederick M. (2006). The Self Possessed: Deity and Spirit Possession in South Asian Literature. Columbia University Press, USA. ISBN 0-231-13748-6. pp. 195–202.
• Malidoma Patrice Some. Of Water and the Spirit: Ritual, Magi, and Initiaion in the Life of an African Shaman. New York: Penguin Group. 1994. ISBN 0-87477-762-3
• Barbara Tedlock, Time and the Highland Maya,U. of New Mexico Press, 1992. ISBN 0-8263-1358-2
• Piers Vitebsky, The Shaman: Voyages of the Soul – Trance, Ecstasy and Healing from Siberia to the Amazon, Duncan Baird, 2001. ISBN 1-903296-18-8
• Michael Winkelman, (2000) Shamanism: The Neural Ecology of Consciousness and Healing. Westport, Connecticut: Bergin & Garvey.
• Andrei Znamenski, ed. Shamanism: Critical Concepts, 3 vols. London: Routledge, 2004. ISBN 0-415-31192-6
• Andrei Znamenski, Shamanism in Siberia: Russian Records of Siberian Spirituality. Dordrech and Boston: Kluwer/Springer, 2003. ISBN 1-4020-1740-5
• Andrei Znamenski, The Beauty of the Primitive: Shamanism and the Western Imagination.Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. ISBN 0-19-517231-0
• 色音, 东北亚的萨满教：韩中日俄蒙萨满教比较研究(Northeast Asia Shamanism: Compare studies of Shamanism in Korea, China, Japan, Russia and Mongolia).中国社会科学出版社, Mar. 1998. ISBN 7-5004-2193-1

[edit] External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Shamanism

• Chinese Shamanka – Short documentary about mop-nyit ceremony in Sichuan.
• A. Asbjorn Jon. "Shamanism and the Image of the Teutonic Deity, Óðinn" (PDF). http://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol10/pdf/teuton.pdf. It considers cross cultural similarities in shamanic belief.
• Lintrop, Aado. "Studies in Siberian Shamanism and Religions of the Finno-Ugrian Peoples". Folk Belief and Media Group of the Estonian Literary Museum. http://haldjas.folklore.ee/~aado/.
• NAFPS – New Age Frauds and Plastic Shamans is a First Nations (American Indian) group devoted to alerting seekers about fraudulent teachers, and helping them avoid being exploited or participating in exploitation.
• Richard, Noll; Shi, Kun (2004). "Chuonnasuan (Meng Jin Fu). The Last Shaman of the Oroqen of Northeast China" (PDF). Journal of Korean Religions (6): 135–162. http://www.desales.edu/assets/desales/SocScience/Oroqen_shaman_FSSForumAug07.pdf. It describes the life of Chuonnasuan, the last shaman of the Oroqen of Northeast China.
• Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff (July 1999). "A View from the Headwaters". The Ecologist 29 (4). http://www.theecologist.info/page9.html. It discusses the symbolics of shamanism of Amazonian indigenous groups, and also its "ecological" functions: avoiding the depletion of scare resources.
• Sem, Tatyana. "Shamanic Healing Rituals". Russian Museum of Ethnography. http://www.museum.state.il.us/exhibits/changing/journey/healing.html.
• Shamanism in Siberia
• The Spirit Foundation An NGO protecting cultural aspects of shamanism including the international shamananic network
• AFECT A charitable cultural organization protecting deep shamanism in northern Thailand
• "An Ethnographic and Historical Study of Shamanism in Afghanistan" by Muhammad Humayun Sidky
• Video "Shaman trip"
• Sacred Hoop Magazine – a leading international magazine on shamanism and neoshamanic practice
• Shamanism Studies from the 18th century to present, Andrei Znamenski page
• Online abstract) Pentikäinen, Juha. Shamanhood symbolism and epic. Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 2001. ISBN 963-05-7811-5.
• similar online abstracts.

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